Comrades E-Book

ANNIE RYAN

• Herausgeber: Liberties Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2013

Beschreibung

The period leading up to Ireland gaining independence remains a hugely popular with readers both at home and abroad. The success of the film 'The Wind That Shakes the Barley' serves to further ignite interest in those turbulent years. Comrades - Inside the War of Independence follows on from hugely successful Witnesses: Inside the Rising and draws on official witness statements (taken in the late 1940s) and only released to the public in 2002. In its judicious use of the statementsgiven by the foot-soldiers and second-line participants in the War Of independence, the book provides aunique perspective on the events of Easter 1916. Author Annie Ryan organizes the events geographically and includes a chapter on the significant role played by women throughout the War Of Independence.

Leseprobe

PRAISE FOR WITNESSES: INSIDE THE EASTER RISING

‘A fascinating new book … Ryan has succeeded in illuminating the sheer diversity of human experiences in 1916, and in particular has highlighted the role of women in the Rising’

Diarmaid Ferriter, VILLAGE

‘an entertaining book that gives us an insight into the way some of the ordinary people involved in the Easter Rising recalled that experience forty years later. Their voices come through with a lively immediacy that is very attractive.’

HISTORY IRELAND

‘A remarkable new book’

IRISH INDEPENDENT

‘an intriguing survey of a fascinating and historically very important Irish archive; a real eye-opener’

Tom Garvin, IRISH BOOK REVIEW

‘the accounts bring events alive with an immediacy and sense of location that a more formal history cannot provide … [and] help add depth to our understanding of what happened in that fateful week’

Tony Canavan, BOOK IRELAND

‘Ms Ryan does reveal many hitherto unsung people who played their part [in the Rising]. She highlights the outstanding women of the Citizen Army…. Ms Ryan’s memoir is not without humour’

Peter de Rosa, EVENING HERALD

‘a fascinating collection of memories of the Easter Rising from those who took part or who were observers of the action’

EMIGRANT ONLINE

‘a fascinating book … the commentary of the women who were the wives, loves and girlfriends of the key participants enlivens the pages’

POST NEWS: THE JOURNALOF AN POST

‘a fantastic account of one of the most momentous events in modern Irish history by actual participants in the Rising…. truly a treasure trove of the personal memories and reflections of those who nursed this country into existence’

An Taoiseach Bertie Ahern TD

COMRADES

INSIDETHE WAROF INDEPENDENCE

ANNIE RYAN

In memory of all those who lived through the War of Independence with a story to tell

CONTENTS

Title Page

Dedication

PUBLISHERS’ NOTE

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

NOTE ON MILITARY AND POLICE FORCES

FOREWORD BY DIARMAID FERRITER

INTRODUCTION

1 EXECUTIONS AND DEPORTATIONS

2 THE PRISONERS’ RETURN

3 LINING UP

4 POLITICAL ACTION: THE BY-ELECTIONS

5 LOYALTIES TRANSFORMED, IDENTITIES CONFIRMED

6 MICHAEL COLLINS, THE CASTLE AND THE SPIES

7 SECTIONS, COMPANIES, BATTALIONSAND BRIGADES

8 ACTIVE SERVICE

9 THE REBEL COUNTY

10 KERRY

11 THE RIC, NED BROYAND OTHERS

12 THE WARIN THE WEST

13 ESTABLISHING THE THREADS OF GOVERNMENT

14 LEGAL ADJUSTMENTS

15 AT THE INTERFACE

16 THE ULSTER CONTEXT

17 THE TRUCEIN THE NORTHERN CONTEXT

18 CONFLICTING LOYALTIES

19 MEATH AND NORTH DUBLIN

20 WESTMEATH, LONGFORD, ROSCOMMON AND THE OFFALY AREA

21 KILDAREAND LAOIS

22 CARLOW AND KILKENNY

23 WEXFORD AND WICKLOW

24 WATERFORD

25 THE TESTIMONYOFTHE WOMEN

26 THE CAPITAL CITY

27 IN RETROSPECT

APPENDIX: THE WITNESSES

SUGGESTED FURTHER READING

Plates

Copyright

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My gratitude to all those who were so kind as to encourage me to undertake Comrades: Inside the War of Independence, almost before my publishers had time to get my first book, Witnesses: Inside the Easter Rising, on to the shelves of Irish bookshops. Again, people like Dr Margaret Mac Curtain and Professor Donal McCartney were very kind. Colette O’Daly of the National Library, who was such a help when I was putting Witnesses together, could see no reason why I should not proceed at once to renew my acquaintance with the interesting people whose stories were to be found in the archives. The generous validation provided by Martin Mansergh and Diarmaid Ferriter further impelled me towards a task which, I must say, was a thoroughly enjoyable one.

The National Archives in Bishop Street is a remarkably congenial place, warm and comfortable – a perfect place to spend time with these engaging people who were generous enough to leave us their stories. I am deeply grateful to the staff at the National Archives.

I am conscious of the great debt we owe the Bureau of Military History, firstly for putting together the Military Archives and then for taking such good care of them.

I would like to take this opportunity of thanking old friends and relatives of my own generation for their memories. Most of my generation are fortunate enough to have known many of the people who feature in Comrades. It was heartening to find that, for example, an extraordinary man like Tomas Malone was remembered by my old friend Julie O’Halloran of Nenagh, County Tipperary. If Comrades succeeds in stirring old memories, it will have achieved its purpose.

My thanks also go to my husband for his listening gifts and to my brothers and sisters for their unfailing interest in the progress of Comrades.

PUBLISHERS’ NOTE

All quotations from the Bureau of Military History 1913–21 witness statements are reproduced courtesy of Military Archives, Cathal Brugha Barracks, Rathmines, Dublin 6. Thanks to Commandant Victor Laing and the staff of the Military Archives for their generous assistance with images, and to Orlaith Delaney and Sam Egan for editorial support.

NOTEON MILITARYAND POLICE FORCES

Volunteers Members of armed units of the unilaterally declared Irish Republic, the Irish State proclaimed in the Easter Rising in 1916 and reaffirmed by the Dáil in January 1919. These units came to be known collectively as the IRA.

RIC The Royal Irish Constabulary was one of Ireland’s two police forces in the early twentieth century, alongside the Dublin Metropolitan Police. The RIC was disbanded in 1922 and replaced by two new police forces: the Garda Síochána in the Irish Free State and the Royal Ulster Constabulary in Northern Ireland.

B Specials Initiated in 1920 as a vigilante force locally recruited from ex-members of the Protestant Ulster Volunteer Force, later funded by the Northern government. A Specials and C Specials completed the Ulster Special Constabulary.

DMP The Dublin Metropolitan Police was the police force of Dublin from 1836 to 1925, when it became part of the new Garda Síochána.

Black and Tans Because of the enormous strain of guerrilla warfare on the RIC in 1920, the government found it necessary to obtain reinforcements in England. The new recruits were mostly unemployed ex-servicemen. They came to be known as the Black and Tans because of their uniforms, which were a combination of police and army uniforms. A more elite force was later recruited. These were ex-officers and became the Auxiliary Division of the RIC.

Cumann na mBan Cumann na mBan, a women’s league associated with the Irish Volunteers, was founded by Countess Markieviez in association with Agnes O’Farrelly, Jennie Wyse-Power and Louise Gavan Duffy. It had the same aims as the Irish Volunteers but was a separate organisation. As well as learning first aid, the members drilled and learned how to load, unload and clean guns.

FOREWARD

In March 1959, eighty-three steel boxes were locked into the strongroom in Government Buildings in Dublin. They contained the 1,770 statements of the Bureau of Military History, which, with the backing of successive governments, had organised the collection of the statements from those who took part in the Irish revolution from 1913 to 1921. There was only one problem. No agreement had been reached about when the statements should be released. It was a problem that remained for nearly half a century.

In 1967, the historian F. X. Martin bemoaned ‘the official iron curtain … cutting off the findings of the Bureau from all outsiders. The papers of the Bureau have now become a miser’s hoard’. But he also maintained that the material would prove to be ‘a gilt-edged investment, increasing in value with the passage of the years’. The statements were finally released in 2003, and, as Annie Ryan has demonstrated in this absorbing, original and engaging book, F. X. Martin’s prediction was accurate.

Here, we see the Irish War of Independence laid bare: the triumphs, the sorrows, the idealism and the brutality, the bravery and the pain. What makes this book important is that the stories are told through the voices of those who participated directly. It is a period of Irish history still much disputed, but a lot of the research to date has excluded the voices of those who were fuelling the Irish republican engine.

The value of this book lies not only in the determination to allow the voices of the participants to emerge, but also the acknowledgement that there were many layers to this revolution. It was, like all wars, complicated and difficult, and the certainty expressed by so many in its aftermath was rarely evident at the time. There is much defiance, resoluteness and bravery on display in this book, but also uncertainty and vulnerability. It is to Annie Ryan’s credit that she has not sought to simplify or romanticise what was such a painful period for many, marked by pride, but also by suffering and conflicting allegiances.

This was overwhelmingly a revolution of the young and the inexperienced. As the author acknowledges, many of them took huge risks for little or no reward, but the bonds of friendship and common purpose that they shared helped them in their quest. It was a war fought on different levels. There were the activities of the IRA Flying Columns, or, in the words of Seamus Robinson, one of those who gave a statement to the Bureau, ‘the ghostly army of sharpshooters’, but also ‘the occasional chivalrous enemy’. There was often a pitiful shortage of weapons, and communications problems between IRA GHQ and the regional Brigades. There was also an intelligence war fought, and a crusade to undermine the Royal Irish Constabulary, many of whom were rightly regarded, as pointed out by Ned Broy, as ‘personally honest and decent men with discipline and self-respect’. There was also the attempt to supplant the British administration in Ireland in the areas of local government and the administration of justice, with Sinn Féin courts in Leitrim, for example, ‘held in a local disused granary on the mountainside’.

The author has done justice to the many regions and counties involved, by examining events north, south, east and west, but also individuals who were away from Ireland, serving in the British army, such as the mutineers in the Connaught Rangers in India. Many had joined for reasons that had little to do with politics or imperialism; in the words of Maurice Meade, who joined the British army in 1911, ‘any private thoughts I had were given up to the hope of gaining my own independence’.

There were chilling executions also, such as that of RIC Sergeant King in south Roscommon, shot dead when cycling to his barracks on the morning of the Truce in July 1921, and the publican in Borris, County Carlow, shot dead because he would not support the IRA. There was anger about alleged spies and informers, and sometimes a resistance to the IRA when it was deemed not to be acting in the interests of the communities it claimed to represent. There were many resourceful women in Cumman na mBan whose structures proved efficient and reliable, and whose role in transporting despatches was indispensable. As Leslie Price discovered, the safest way for these messages to get to Cork was through Celbridge, and ‘to test its efficiency she cycled every yard of it herself as far as Cork’.

Annie Ryan’s commitment to making these Bureau statements accessible and putting them in context has resulted in an honest and illuminating book that, by focusing on the ordinary Volunteers, will greatly enhance our understanding of the various dimensions of the Irish War of Independence.

Diarmaid Ferriter, IRCHSS Fellow, April 2007

INTRODUCTION

Comrades: Inside the War of Independence is the second book to be based almost exclusively on statements submitted to the Bureau of Military History by men and women who had been involved in the movement for independence in the early years of the last century. The statements, which had been locked away for so many years, are now accessible at the Military Archives in Cathal Brugha Barracks in Rathmines, Dublin, and at the National Archives on Bishop Street, also in Dublin. The material assembled from these statements by the Bureau of Military History in the years between 1947 and 1957 was far from exhausted by Witnesses: Inside theEaster Rising, the companion volume to this book. I found it impossible to walk away from the rest of the story, as told by a new group of men and women, dealing with new events and offering new perspectives on the period, in which men and women from all over the island were involved in one way or another.

Apart from the carefully organised infiltration of the postal services, and the cooperation of some members of the RIC, unexpected help for the nationalist cause came from unsuspected quarters: from secret sympathisers who held funds for the Volunteers and took huge risks for little or no reward. Information was imparted from unlikely quarters, as is described in Seamus Robinson’s witness statement, for example.

What emerges above all from the testimonies of the men and women is the wide circle of friends and colleagues which grew out of their activities. A labyrinthine grid of mutual assistance developed over the whole island, supported by a remarkable consensus of outlook. The unity of purpose which emerged was never so marked as at the time of the threat of conscription in 1918, but the deep foundations of trust amongst these men and women essentially lay in their long connection with the Gaelic League, the Volunteer movement and Sinn Féin. One of the most important organisers of the embryo State, Seamus Ua Caomhanaigh, remarks that, through his long-standing connections, ‘There was hardly a parish in the country in which I did not know someone who would act as a cover.’

The bonds forged by the shared experiences of time spent in prisons and internment camps proved invaluable – and were carefully fostered by nationalist leaders like Michael Collins, who appeared to find the reorganisation of the IRB at Frongoch useful for his purposes. Moreover, the Cumann na mBan of the time were able to forge country-wide connections without the aid of secret societies. This network enabled them to provide the long-term recuperative nursing care, in safe surroundings, which many of the men who had been on active service required.

It is true that the differences which arose in the national movement at the time of the Treaty sundered the bonds which had been built up since before 1916 – a fact of which the men and women who submitted their testimonies to the Bureau of Military History in the 1940s and 1950s were well conscious. An air of ineffable sadness hangs over many of the statements. Most of them stop short of the Treaty negotiations, choosing to conclude on the date of the Truce. One or two make painful references, such as Michael Hynes from Borrisoleigh, County Tipperary, who remarks: ‘No one ever thought that civil war would develop and that things would become so bitter.’

The rifts left by the Civil War began to close during the Second World War. These witness statements, together with contemporary documents, press cuttings, photographs and a few rare voice recordings from people who had been active in the national movement between 1913 and 1921, are a gift which the army has collected and kept safe for us. There is much in these archives to unite us, and much for us to admire.

Annie Ryan, April 2007

1

EXECUTIONS AND DEPORTATIONS

On 3 May 1916, almost as soon as the Easter Rising was over and while Dublin lay in smoking ruins, the first of the executions of the rebel leaders took place. Spread out over two weeks, they had a profound effect not only on the participants and would-be participants in the Rising but on public opinion as well. The initial reaction to the Rising had been one of shock. It was different in Britain: there the reaction was one of fury – hardly surprising in the year of the Somme and in the middle of the Great War. As a result, martial law was introduced throughout Ireland. The principal Irish newspapers demanded retribution.

The last of the executions took place on 12 May 1916. The country was quiet. As Elizabeth Bloxham, a young Protestant nationalist from the west of Ireland, put it: ‘There was great agony of spirit in Ireland at that time.’ As a student in Dublin, Bloxham had known many of the leading figures involved in the Rising.

On 8 May, Ignatius Callender, who had been a dispatch carrier for the rebels during Easter Week, was

so horrified by the announcement of the execution of my Company captain and intimate friend Sean Heuston, that I decided it was time something should be done…. I called on a priest friend and discussed the situation with him; we decided on certain action.

In 1954, when Callender gave his testimony to the Bureau of Military History, he

was happy to say that as a result of the priest’s action and the speech made by John Dillon in the English House of Commons, on 11 May, that Asquith promised that, with the exception of the two men already sentenced, no other executions would take place.

Whether the priest was as influential as Callender believed or not, the executions came to an end on 12 May, when Sean McDermott and James Connolly went before the firing squad.

Before the Rising, Callender’s mother ran a restaurant that was heavily patronised by the British military. Callender recollected that:

On the third of May, 1916, when the Stop Press Evening Mail appeared, announcing the execution of P. H. Pearse, T. MacDonagh and T. J. Clarke, my mother on hearing the news exclaimed ‘May the Lord have mercy on their souls’. One of the British HQ Command chauffeurs, who was having lunch in my mother’s restaurant, said ‘What is that you said?’ My mother repeated the prayer for him. He immediately left, without finishing his meal, remarking as he left, ‘that is more than you said for our poor fellows who were killed’.

Soon after this incident, the Lucan Restaurant, as it was known, was ‘put out of military bounds by order of the British authority’. It closed at the end of June.

Muriel McSwiney, widow of Terence McSwiney, who made her statement in Paris in 1951, remembered the feeling of revulsion that was generated in Cork and elsewhere by the executions: ‘The news was posted up on the pavement in front of the Cork Examiner office, day and night, and the crowd gathered to hear it.’ People all over Ireland were hungry for news of the rising and its aftermath. Miss Dulcibella Barton, who was a sister of Robert Barton (later to be a noted political activist) and a cousin of Erskine Childers, had a very clear recollection of events:

I was very interested in the fact that there was a rebellion in progress. I spent about a week in the city. I think it must have been at the end of the week that I met Father Sherwin of University Church and he asked me where I was going. I said I was going into town to buy an Irish Times. He asked me to get one for him. When I got to the Times office there was a great crowd and as I hate standing in a queue I got a little boy to get the papers for me. He did and I gave him something for himself. The paper was a single sheet and I brought one back to Father Sherwin.

Dulcibella Barton left for home, in Annamoe, Glendalough, County Wicklow, the next day. A policeman stopped her at Roundwood and asked her for news from Dublin. She refused to give him any. After all, Barton was a great friend of ‘Con Markievicz, and whenever I wanted a bed in Dublin I had one in her house in Leinster Road’. Barton also took care of her dog, a brown spaniel, whenever the Countess was in jail.

Elizabeth Bloxham was working as a teacher in Newtownards, County Down, in 1916. When she read news of the Rising in the Evening Telegraph, she was shocked ‘into a state of unreality by the bald report in the paper’. There was no one to whom she could talk:

Then came the time when each day’s paper brought news of the executions. I made what I thought was a successful effort to hide my feelings from people who I knew were unsympathetic. But later on the woman of the house told me that whenever she entered my room at that time she felt I was as one watching by the dead. I said I thought my manner to her was the same as usual. ‘It was,’ she said, ‘but I knew that the moment I closed the door you were again watching by the dead.’

Marie Perolz (née Flanagan), who had missed the Rising in Dublin because she had been sent to Cork on courier business, was arrested on the day Tom Clarke was executed. She was sent to Kilmainham before being moved to Mountjoy, and eventually on to Lewes Prisons in Sussex in the south of England. Perolz remembered:

At Kilmainham I was very depressed when I knew the men were being executed. I could neither eat nor sleep. Only for Brighid Foley I would have died. She kept up my courage and tried to force me to eat.

Ignatius Callender escaped arrest despite his activities during Easter Week. Not so lucky were many others throughout the country who had not taken part in the Rising but were sympathetic to its aims. All over Ireland, after the rebellion had collapsed, there was a round-up of suspects by the RIC and the British army.

In many places, these suspects had tried hard to get to Dublin, with every intention of taking part in the rebellion. For example, Edward Moane describes how in Westport ‘the Rebellion came upon us and still found us without any proper armaments and, worse still, without any orders’. By Wednesday of Easter Week, Moane’s IRB Circle knew that fighting was taking place in Dublin. They held a meeting to discuss what they could do but concluded that it would be hopeless to attempt anything. In the subsequent round-up, Joe McBride, a brother of Major John McBride, who was executed for his part in the Rising in Dublin, was arrested, whereas Moane was not. Moane did not escape completely, however. Early in the spring of 1917, when all the other prisoners had been released, Moane was imprisoned for three months for singing a seditious song at a concert.

According to Robert Holland, the nineteen-year-old who had fought so valiantly at the Marrowbone Lane Distillery:

everyone and anyone who had anything to do with any organisation participating in the Insurrection were liable to arrest … the prisons in Ireland and England were packed … in Dublin men and women suspected of sympathising with the Insurrection were dismissed from their employment.

Many of the prisoners’ relatives were finding it very hard to get the necessities of life. Holland was beginning to think that ‘we, in prison, were better off than some of them’.

It is little wonder then that people like Kathleen Clarke, Tom Clarke’s widow, had begun to organise aid committees for the relatives even before the executions had ceased. Those members of Cumann na mBan who were not imprisoned got down to work immediately. Aine Heron, who was a Captain in Cumann na mBan, was involved in the founding of the Volunteer Dependants Fund. This fund, together with the National Aid Committee, was invaluable in restoring some kind of morale for the stricken families and friends of the prisoners. Heron found it difficult at first to establish contact with the relatives of the Volunteers:

When we called at the houses sometimes the inhabitants denied all knowledge of the Volunteers in question, as they did not know us and they thought we might be setting traps for them. Gradually it became easier as the sympathy of the public had veered round to the victims of the rebellion. Especially, the Masses for the men of Easter Week did a great deal to give courage to all these people. They gave them the only opportunity they had of coming together and exchanging news from the various prisons.

Eilis Bean Ui Connaill, vice-commandant and member of the Executive of Cumann na mBan, had a very similar story to tell in her witness statement:

news of men killed in action, of soldiers shooting our innocent people in their homes as occurred in our area in North King Street, execution of our leaders, deportations, raids, arrests and all the mock trials etc. We seemed helpless at this stage.

The National Aid Fund was established to relieve distress among ‘the dependants of persons killed in action, executed, sentenced or deported’, as Ui Connaill notes. Voluntary helpers assembled in Exchequer Street and issued an appeal to the whole country – to which there was a huge response. Ui Connaill continues: ‘Many of our members helped on that committee. Each went around in her own area, investigating the cases of distress. We met with great difficulties.’ Many of the relatives were terrified of being identified with those who took part in the Rising ‘as the military and police were still very busy making raids and arrests’.

Ui Connaill first noticed a change in attitudes towards the prisoners through the size of the Cumann na mBan church-door collections for the National Aid Fund:

People who had refused to subscribe before now gave generously and sympathetically. This gave us great courage and resulted in [us] filling several boxes on Sundays instead of merely one.

Prisoners such as Robert Holland were deeply grateful for the existence of the National Aid Fund. While he was in prison, he worried for his mother, who was an invalid, and his twelve-year old sister. Others too began to be aware of the hard times their families were going through. Holland’s testimony informs us:

We heard at this time that the National Fund had been started, that a kind of means test was in operation with the object of relieving the most necessitous cases first. As time went on and money came in, every deserving case was relieved to some extent; we in prison thanked God and said many a Rosary for those who gave their time and money to help our destitute people.

No one was more appreciative of the help and support received from the Fund on their release than Seamus Ua Caomhanaigh, Secretary ‘Defence of Ireland Fund’; Accountant to the Sinn Féin Executive; Secretary, Local Government Department, Dáil Éireann. The support began for him on the boat home from Britain. The night before Christmas Eve, Ua Caomhanaigh and his comrades were paraded from Frongoch Jail to catch the train to Holyhead. It was a terrible night, and the ex-prisoners stood for two hours at the station in a blizzard of sleet and snow until their train arrived at eight o’clock. By the time they embarked on the mailboat, the comrades were saturated. The boat was packed with people going home to Ireland for Christmas and, to the former prisoners’ surprise, their fellow passengers were very nice to them. Ua Caomhanaigh had no difficulty in remembering the details:

We were not long on board when a man came up to me and asked me would I like a cup of tea. I said I would. He went away and brought it back to me in no time. Then a lady gave me an enormous hunk of rich Christmas cake. Another gave me a large piece of cheese. I was literally starving, as we had [had] no refreshment of any kind since leaving Frongoch…. I drank the tea and with the cheese in one hand and the cake in the other I would take an alternative bite out of each and by the time I had got it all down I was feeling fine.

It was even more pleasant for the former prisoners to meet old friends. Ua Caomhanaigh goes on:

Some of the girls who had been released were going home on the same boat. I remember talking to Miss Helena Moloney and I think also Miss Kearney. It was a very rough passage. The night was wild. There were no lights showing anywhere on board as this was in the middle of the first Great War

They arrived in Dublin on Christmas Eve.

2

THE PRISONERS’ RETURN

It was hard for Seamus Ua Caomhanaigh to put his memories on record for the Bureau of Military History. He found it extremely painful to recall the experiences of the War of Independence, especially the lead-up to the truce and the Treaty. A fit of terrible depression would descend on him whenever he heard or read anything relating to the happenings of those years: ‘I could not read a book nor look at a movie without experiencing it.’ He told the Bureau to feel free to scrap his statement if they thought it was no good. Luckily, the Bureau accepted his contribution. Ua Caomhanaigh’s account of his time in Frongoch and his return to Ireland on the mailboat is only part of his enthralling story. His full statement covers his life from his birth on 21 April 1888 in St Michael’s Lane, not far from St Stephen’s Green, up to the formation of the Department of Local Government under the first Dáil, and the Truce in 1921.

When his mailboat reached Dublin’s North Wall on Christmas Eve, 1916, Ua Caomhanaigh was met by Paddy McGuirk, who had been his next-door neighbour in Stafford Jail, and had been released earlier: ‘[McGuirk] had an outside car waiting to bring me home, where I arrived in a short time.’ Ua Caomhanaigh did not return alone. He brought Joe Duffy, another prisoner friend, home with him:

When we reached Dublin Joe had no place to go. He was a stranger to Dublin, never having lived there except for the short time he had been in Larkfield, Kimmage.

It was at Larkfield, on the Plunkett estate, that the men who had returned to Ireland for the Rising set up camp.

Ua Caomhanaigh was in prison when he learned of the birth of his son. He had not known that his wife was pregnant at the time of his deportation; by the time he returned, the child had been christened and named Seamus Diarmuid, after Sean McDermott. On the day Ua Caomhanaigh arrived home, a Christmas hamper was delivered to the house. It was provided not by the National Aid Fund ‘but by one of the societies of women who were working so hard at the time in the national cause’. The National Aid Committee, however, sent him an ‘order for a complete new outfit’.

Within a few days, Ua Caomhanaigh was appointed secretary to the ex-prisoners’ committee. He was given the task of examining the cases of all the former prisoners and their dependants ‘and seeing that nobody was left destitute’. Ua Caomhanaigh had found his niche. He was kept happily occupied during the spring and summer ‘having things done properly and quickly’. It was at this time that Michael Collins had been appointed secretary of the National Aid Fund; Ua Caomhanaigh heartily approved of Collins’s selection for this post, as it made his own job much easier. Amongst his many other talents, Michael Collins was an extremely efficient administrator.

People like Ua Caomhanaigh were already beginning to look to the future rather than the past. Before they could do this, however, it was necessary for some to analyse the events, unhappy as they were, of Easter Week. Robert Holland had gone into the question in some depth whilst still in Knutsford Jail. Indeed, even before the surrender, towards the end of Easter Week, as the fight was beginning to wind down, Holland and Con Colbert (who was later executed) drew up lists of their men who had and had not turned out for the Rising. In Knutsford, Holland had learned:

all that had happened in the two sections of the South Dublin Garrison, also all about the battle at Ashbourne and in fact, before the middle of May, we knew all that had taken place in the country during and after the insurrection – of the fate of the men they termed our leaders – of prison sentences of the group of less important [rebels]. We got this through small groups who were being picked up in Ireland and were still being transferred to Knutsford Prison.

When Peadar McMahon, who had fought in the Rising under Commandant Michael Mallin, was released from Frongoch in the autumn of 1916, he found himself out of a job. The shipping firm that had employed him before the Rising refused to re-hire him due to his involvement in the Rising. Whilst visiting the widow of Tom Clarke, one of the leaders of the Rising who had been executed, McMahon met Miss Madge Daly, who was desperately looking for help with running the bakery business:

She said that her brother was executed; her uncle, John Daly, had died and some assistance was required to run the business. I decided to go to Limerick…. While in Limerick I assisted in the formation of a second Battalion in the city and a number of Battalions in the adjoining country.

Ernest Blythe, who had been imprisoned in Reading Jail for his pre-1916 activities, expected to be released with the other leading figures who were held there. But the governor of the jail informed Blythe that, because the order under which he had been deported a fortnight before Easter 1916 had not been lifted, he could not return to Ireland. He was, however, free to go where he liked in England. But Blythe decided to take a chance and went to Dublin with the rest. On Blythe’s arrival there, Sean T. O’Kelly invited him to his home for breakfast; Blythe later went out to Bray to see his old friends, the FitzGeralds. From there, he went ‘up North’ and spent a week at his father’s house in County Antrim, ‘the police having lost sight of him’. The police caught Blythe when he went to Belfast ‘to see if I could find Sean Lestor’ (an old friend from pre-1916 days who was afterwards Secretary General of the League of Nations, and the father-in-law of Douglas Gageby, who was editor of the Irish Times and also wrote Lestor’s biography). Blythe was then picked up, taken to the police station and put aboard a train for Dublin and conveyed to Arbour Hill. At length, after many negotiations and undertakings, and withdrawing of undertakings, the British Commander sent a ‘DMP man … who told [me] that the order to leave Ireland had been suspended’. Blythe could now go where he liked. He decided to go to Limerick:

The Dalys of Limerick had written asking me to spend a while with them. I accepted the invitation and arrived in Limerick just after the end of the Clare election.

In the first few weeks after his return to Ireland, Blythe knew little of how matters stood with the Volunteer organisation. His visit to the Dalys afforded him the opportunity of observing activities at close quarters. Blythe found:

There was a great deal of strained feeling between the officers of the Volunteers, as there was prior to the Rising, and a great many people who found fault with their attitude and action at that time. I thought there was no use in discussing the past, but I agreed that the complete inactivity of the existing body of Volunteer officers was wrong.

In his testimony, Joe Barrett from Clare, who had, like so many others in 1916, mobilised for a Rising on Easter Sunday, only to wait in vain for further orders, gives us a fairly clear indication of what might have been the bone of contention in Limerick:

When we learned that the Limerick Volunteers had surrendered their arms to the British authorities, the Volunteers in my area entirely disagreed with this action.

Edward Moane of Westport, County Mayo, delicately suggests that something of the same kind happened only ten miles from him in Castlebar:

We knew there was about thirty rifles in the Castlebar area, but [as to] where they were located or what ammunition was available we had no information. Some of these rifles were surrendered to the British authorities after the Rebellion.

The surrender of arms was a severe embarrassment to the Volunteers, none more so than to those in Cork. Muriel McSwiney, the widow of Terence McSwiney, who died on hunger strike in 1920, remembered that:

It was towards the end of Easter Week that the Volunteers surrendered their arms. Some of them gave up wooden instruments wrapped in stuff and kept their rifles.

The Catholic bishop of Cork, Thomas O’Callaghan, in some way became implicated in a deal with the British military whereby it was promised that, if the arms were ceded, there would be no arrests of Volunteers. This involvement soured relations between the leaders of the Volunteers in Cork and the bishop for many years afterwards.

Henry O’Brien from Athlone had been active in the Volunteer movement since 1913. About a week or so before the Rising, a priest called Father O’Reilly managed to procure arms for the Volunteers in Athlone. On Easter Sunday morning, they ‘mobilised about thirty strong…. Our first task was to cut the railway and telegraph and telephone wires outside Athlone.’ The rifles and shotguns had been sent on to Shannon Bridge, where the Volunteers were to meet Liam Mellows after cutting the wires. But at 2.30 PM, ‘we received a message that the whole affair was off’.

O’Brien was arrested immediately after the Rising but was released, and returned home in time to witness the surrendering of arms:

Mr Chapman, who owned the printing works in Athlone, and one of the friars from the Abbey, acted as liaison officers between the RIC and British authorities, and the Volunteers, and through them the rifles and ammunition were surrendered to the British authorities.

Timothy Houlihan from Ballybunion, County Kerry, was careful to record that, even if the town was not particularly active up to 1916, its honour was saved by a Volunteer leader from Listowel:

After the Easter Week Rebellion, when the order came to surrender all arms in the country, a man named Paddy Landers, who was in charge of a Company in Listowel before Easter Week, sent out to Ballybunion two BSA rifles and five hundred rounds and a lot of cartridge and wads by a man named Joe Mahoney, a native of Ballybunion. The stuff was dumped at Eddie Horagan’s, a farmer who lived near the town. Horagan looked after the stuff. He was never under suspicion as he was regarded as pro-British.

The opinion held by Patrick McElligot (a member of the IRB from 1911 and of the Volunteers from 1914, and OC of the Listowel Battalion) of Paddy Landers is unambiguous, however. According to McElligot, Landers made no attempt to save the arms but was in fact determined to surrender all the guns to the RIC:

Landers sent for the RIC and handed over the stack of broken guns, at the same time informing the RIC of the missing nine rifles …. The Volunteers were more afraid of Landers than the RIC as he was constantly in touch with them.

Another Kerry man, Matthew Finucane, was careful to record that in Duagh, where the Volunteer Company had been reorganised by Ernest Blythe in the early months of 1916:

the order to surrender all arms in the Company was never carried out, as the RIC were not aware that there were any arms in the possession of the Volunteers here in Duagh.

Almost immediately after the release of the prisoners, the work of reorganisation began; indeed, some would say that it began before the general release, which took place at Christmas 1916. Certainly the Committees that were set up to assist families that had been left without means of financial support after the Rising helped to draw the remnants of the revolution together.

The significance of imprisonment on the development of the Volunteers cannot be overlooked. William Mullins, quartermaster of Duagh Company of the Irish Volunteers in County Kerry and OC of Kerry No. 1 Brigade, from Moyderwell, Tralee, was emphatic about the role of the prisons and detention camps, particularly Frongoch. He states:

I am fully convinced that Frongoch made our whole organisation into what it eventually reached. The comradeship that developed in Frongoch and the knowledge we got of each other from different parts of the country, the military aspect of things and being brought into close contact with men whom we used only hear about previous to that, was a binding force for the future.

Many of the Volunteer leaders, when they made their way home after their time in jail, found everything in order. In Duagh, the Volunteers were reorganised for a second time, Mullins remembers:

The Company strength was about forty men. Up to the end of 1917 and all through 1918 we held meetings, received drill instruction and paraded from time to time.

Matthew Finucane was appointed quarter master of Duagh Company in 1919 and made responsible for the collection of all shotguns and arms in the area. As Henry O’Brien found in Athlone, in almost every area where the Volunteers had been active before the Rising:

nearly all our members became active again …. We held regular parades for drill, in secret of course. We had no arms and each member paid a small subscription towards a fund for the purchase of arms. Concerts, dances and so forth were run with the assistance of the Cumann na mBan.

Patrick Egan, who had hid out in the hills above Ticknock after the Rising, was able to attend a meeting in early 1917 in Cathal Brugha’s house in Dublin when things became more normal. At that meeting, the reorganisation of the Battalion began and ‘the election of officers for C Company took place’.

Oscar Traynor, who was later to become commandant of the Dublin Brigade and a member of the Army Council, was released on Christmas Eve, like the great majority of the internees. He remembers:

Shortly after my arrival in Dublin I made contact with the Volunteer organisation again. My old Company, while meeting from time to time, was very much below strength.

The renewed activity of the Volunteers did not escape the notice of the authorities. In early January 1917, the Volunteers – or, as they were beginning to be known, the Irish Republican Army – started a reorganising campaign in Tralee and the surrounding country districts. Joseph Melinn, vice-commandant of Kerry No. 1 Brigade, recalls that he:

was actively engaged in this when I was again taken prisoner, and deported with twenty-seven others from other counties, to different parts of England, on February 22nd, 1917. By arrangement, the Irish Republican Brotherhood got us in touch with friends in London and Manchester who offered assistance to enable us to escape back to Ireland.

Joseph Melinn, with fourteen others, escaped on that occasion and ‘reported back to headquarters on the morning of May 5th, 1917’.

A pattern was beginning to emerge: arrest, imprisonment, escape. This pattern did not, however, impede the growth of the IRA. By December 1917, the Battalion in the Westport area alone numbered

three hundred and fifty strong and [was] organised in nine Companies…. I (with two others) organised these Companies, travelling here and there, sometimes on cycles but more often across country on foot

according to Edward Moane, Vice Commandant of the West Mayo Brigade of the IRA.

In Limerick, Peadar McMahon and Ernest Blythe, after a good deal of discussion with the other senior Volunteers, decided that the only way to get over the inactivity of the existing Volunteer body in Limerick was to organise a second Battalion from amongst ‘young men who were not Volunteers and who were not being encouraged to join’, as Blythe notes. Eventually, they were able to establish ‘a number of Battalions in the adjoining country’.

Later, Blythe expresses some uncharacteristic doubts about his actions in Limerick. He felt that he could have handled the situation better:

Perhaps if we had continued to urge the existing officers to undertake some activity, our appeals, plus the changing temperature, would have sufficed to induce them to make the moves [begin a new campaign with new officers].

3

LINING UP

Dan Breen, best known later for his book, My Fight for Irish Freedom, describes in his statement to the Bureau of Military History an important element in the drive for action that seized several of his comrades. All over Ireland, people like Sean Treacy (one of the leaders of the South Tipperary Brigade during the War of Independence) felt impelled to carry on from where the men and women of 1916 had left off. Treacy was later shot dead in Talbot Street, at the height of the war which he so ardently desired. Dan Breen recalls in his statement:

At this time, following 1916, I was Treacy’s chief, if not his only confidant, and he discussed everything freely with me. I remember him talking about the Rising of 1916 and calling it ‘another ’98’, meaning that this was another failure, as 1798 had been, and yet he was insistent that everything was not yet lost and that we might still do something to retrieve [the failure of the 1916 Rising].

Seamus Robinson puts it in another way:

I would say that it was the leaders of the 1916 Rising by their heroic deaths after an historic fight that left us survivors…. [and with] no honourable alternative but the slogan ‘They shall not have fought and died in vain’.

In his testimony, Robinson attempts to answer how, when and on whose authority the hostilities began after 1916. During his imprisonment in Reading Jail, Robinson was in a good position to assess the thinking of his fellow prisoners. These included Arthur Griffith, Sean T. O’Kelly, Ernest Blythe, Herbert More-Pim, Darrell Figgis, George Nicholls, Sean Milroy and others – all of them leaders in Sinn Féin. These men – Sean T. O’Kelly excepted – were, in Robinson’s opinion, convinced that a ‘united passive resistance policy was all-sufficient to win our independence’. Robinson was at pains to make his own position, and that of younger men, clear. He and his young comrades had a tremendous regard for the intelligence, clear-sightedness, integrity and zeal of these eminent older men. In his opinion, it was only common sense that the Volunteer army needed a vigorous political party in order to withstand the ‘pro-British partisan propaganda of press and pulpit’. They could see the importance of the ‘moral-legal support of an elected government…. “the Constituent Assembly” of Arthur Griffith’s talks to us’. They could also see the necessity of having ‘the will of the people behind the coming struggle’. This was of equal importance with the existence of a well-organised and well-equipped army, if the revolution was to succeed. Robinson lists the officers in Reading at the time who were in favour of the political movement ‘as the nation’s second arm’. He lists them:

Terence McSweeney, Tomas MacCurtain, J. J. O’Connell, Eamon O’Duibhir, Joe Robinson, Seamus Pender, Mick Brennan, Padraig O’Maille.

According to Robinson, when the prisoners came home to Ireland after their release, the Volunteers quickly became aware of the immense support that the people as a whole gave to Sinn Féin: ‘It soon was unnecessary for the Volunteers to waste their time on it’. So they concentrated on building up their own forces instead.

In October 1917, Sinn Féin’s annual convention, or Ard Fheis, was held in Dublin – the tenth such convention that had been held by the party. Under cover of the Ard Fheis, the Volunteers also held a convention. In fact, many of the delegates held dual membership of the two organisations. The attendance at the Ard Fheis included several people who were also members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood; many were members of all three organisations.

Monsignor Patrick Browne, president of University College Galway, who used to meet Arthur Griffith fairly frequently after 1916, ‘generally in the Bailey smoke-room’, was certain that Griffith was out of sympathy with ‘the Resolution to proclaim the country independent and follow a Republican policy’. Griffith expressed his considerable distaste with the idea of declaring Ireland a republic then, as he also did in 1919, just before the Dáil proclaimed the Republic. He professed his disbelief that the Irish people wanted such an arrangement. It was on Griffith’s proposal that de Valera was made President. Browne added that, ‘as time went on, Griffith fell in with the policy and, when de Valera was in America, [Griffith] was Acting President’.

Seamus Dobbyn’s testimony regarding the IRB makes interesting reading. Dobbyn’s membership of the IRB stretched back to the Dungannon Club, where, in 1907, he met men like Sean McDermott, Denis McCullough and Bulmer Hobson. Dobbyn had done his best to join the Rising but had been frustrated in his attempts in this area. He had been one of the first to be imprisoned after the Rising but was released in the autumn of 1916. In May 1917, Dobbyn was sent to Dublin to meet three members of the Supreme Council of the IRB: Diarmuid Lynch, Mick Collins and Sean McGarry.

Dobbyn recalls that ‘I was asked by them to go on a six-month tour of inspection of the nine Ulster counties’. Dobbyn made his report on this tour a few months later. Things were not good with the IRB in Ulster. The main trouble was that, although they were doing nothing of any significance for the national movement, ‘a number of them thought themselves superior to the IRA and were not even supporting the IRA’. Soon after this tour, Dobbyn was co-opted as a member of the Supreme Council of the IRB.

Seamus Robinson was even more critical of the IRB organisation as a whole. According to Robinson:

The IRB had lost prestige after Easter Week 1916, their authority moribund where not already dead. Many had apparently shirked the Rising. There had been some movement started in Frongoch which aimed at reviving and getting a change in control of the IRB. Shortly after the release from internment, young chaps mixed among us broadcasting the news that every member of the ‘Organisation’ was requested to attend a meeting in Parnell Square – No. 44 I think. At that meeting I saw young fellows with notebooks rushing round and about the ground floor (there were about 150 present) buttonholing individuals with anxious whispers – ‘We must make sure that no one will be elected an officer of the Volunteers who is not a member of the “Organisation”.’ As if that were something new or something that we would be allowed to forget.

Robinson was not impressed. He did not wait for the meeting to begin and walked out in disgust. He never again ‘bothered about the IRB’. When the Volunteer Executive was elected at the Ard Fheis in October 1917, Robinson considered the authority of the IRB redundant and illegal for the Volunteers. Stronger still, he stated: ‘After the Oath of Allegiance to the Dáil, the IRB became a sinister cabal.’

Whatever Robinson might have thought about the IRB, the organisation continued. Dobbyn was given the job of reorganising the IRB in Ulster. He was then asked to add the inspection of the IRA to his IRB duties. ‘This I believe was given as a cover for my activities with the IRB,’ he says.

As for the Sinn Féin Ard Fheis in October 1917, Dobbyn is certain that

IRB men were instructed to have themselves elected delegates to that Convention, if possible, and to vote for the election of de Valera as President. I was ordered by the Supreme Council, and carried out the order, to give instructions to suitable IRB men to join the local Sinn Féin Club and, if possible, to have themselves elected to that Convention