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- Herausgeber: Charles River Editors
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
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Seitenzahl: 429
Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2018
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FORTY YEARS A FUR TRADER ON THE UPPER MISSOURI: ALL VOLUMES
Charles Larpenteur
LACONIA PUBLISHERS
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Copyright © 2016 by Charles Larpenteur
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Forty Years a Fur Trader on the Upper Missouri: Complete (Illustrated)
INTRODUCTION.
CHAPTER I.(1807-33.)MY PARENTAGE AND EARLY LIFE.
CHAPTER II. (1833 )OVER THE PLAINS TO THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
CHAPTER III.(1833.)"FROM GREEN RIVER RENDEZVOUS BY THE BIGHORN AND THE YELLOWSTONE TO THE MISSOURI.
CHAPTER IV.(1833-34.)FORT WILLIAM.
CHAPTER V.(1834-35)FORT UNION.
CHAPTER VI.(1835-36.)FORT UNION: CONTINUED.
CHAPTER VII.(1836-38.)FORT UNION: CONTINUED.
CHAPTER VIII.(1838.)ROUND TRIP TO THE STATES.
CHAPTER IX.(1838-42.)COMPOSED OF ALL SORTS.
CHAPTER X.(1843-44.)WINTERING AT WOODY MOUNTAIN.
CHAPTER XL. (1844-45.)CARNIVAL OF CRIME.
CHAPTER XII.(1845-46.)POPLAR RIVER CAMP.
CHAPTER XIII.(1846-47.)FORT LOUIS AND THENCE TO ST. LOUIS.
CHAPTER XIV. (1847-49)FORT BENTON AND ELSEWHERE.
CHAPTER XV.(1849-55.)FORT VERMILION, LITTLE SIOUX, AND PONKA POST.
CHAPTER XVI.(1855-61.)FORT STEWART AND THE POPLAR RIVER POST.
CHAPTER XVII.(1861-63.)FORT STEWART AGAIN: FORT GALPIN.
CHAPTER XVIII.(1864-66.)FORT UNION ONCE MORE: HOME AGAIN.
CHAPTER XIX.(1866-72.)ON AND AFTER THE PEACE COMMISSION.
CHAPTER XX.INDIAN LAWS AND CUSTOMS.
CHAPTER XXL.INDIAN AGENTS AND AGENCIES.
APPENDIX.
FORTY YEARS A FUR TRADER ON THE UPPER MISSOURI: COMPLETE (ILLUSTRATED)
BY CHARLES LARPENTEUR
INTRODUCTION.
HUMAN DOCUMENTS ARE ALWAYS INTERESTING, and those which attest the development of the Great West will claim rightful place in literature till the final word concerning that to which they relate shall have been spoken. Such finality in Western history is still afar; it is to be attained by none now living. The field of research is much too wide; and if it be not exactly virginal, nor even have lain quite fallow, the workmen are as yet too few to gather in the immense outstanding crop. The history of what Transmississippian State or Territory has been brought fully up to date? That of not one. Young as most of them are in comparison with a Massachusetts or a Virginia, some are older by far than their reputed ancestors; Arizona and New Mexico had quite a literature before any Plymouth Rock or Jamestown acquired a place on map or in mind. Reviewing what has been done already for the better settled side of the great river, I am oppressed by a sense of the story yet to be told of the “ biggest half” of the American commonwealth. Now is none too early to cease to be inarticulate in the parts we have to perform; for the plot thickens and the setting of the stage is splendid. Let us speedily utilize our properties; they are readily accessible, and they abound; they should not be suffered to lapse with fugacious years in the insatiable maw of Time the cosmic cannibal, the ceaseless corroder and obliterator, alike the progenitor of all things and their relegator to forgetfulness.
Lest we too may forget, I wish to do my share as a curator of historical materials, even if I may not aspire to the office of historian. Among my beliefs is that of the prime utility of contemporaneous documents for historical purposes. These are the great antiseptics to the ptomaines of tradition—the stocky facts so fatal to mythopoetic microbes. Much history so called may be the Carlylese “ distillation of rumors,” or the Napoleonic “fable agreed upon”; but much more may be relieved of any such imputation if we do our duty by our documents. It would surprise most persons to realize how quickly a neglected core of fact gathers the mold of myth. Take the Lewis and Clark expedition, for example. Never, perhaps, was a true story more minutely and completely told; to know all about it, we have only to read what the explorers themselves had to say, less than one hundred years ago. But the take-it-for-granters, the forsoothers, the forgetters, the prevaricators, the misquoters, the unreaders—the whole tribe of quidnunc impressionists—have meanwhile found out more things that never happened in this case than they ever learned about what did happen. According to such authorities, there are few early years of this century in which Lewis and Clark were not traveling; fewer routes they did not take across the continent; and fewest of all are the places in the Rocky mountains where they did not pass one or two winters. Many persons who live in the shadow of Pike’s Peak never knew the initials of his name; some think he was Albert Pike, the great Freemason; some never thought anything about it; and nearly all suppose that one Pike discovered and surmounted the peak which bears his name. Yet anyone who should take the trouble to consult the very original document which Pike himself has handed down to us would learn all there is to be known on that particular point.
The history of the West is still largely the story of discovery, exploration, survey, colonization, and the like; for aught else is of comparatively recent development—is contemporaneous, or nearly such. The bison was the original engineer, who followed the lay of the land and the run of the water; the Indian followed the bison; the white man followed the Indian; the gun and trap, the pick and shovel, the whiskey-jug, plow, and locomotive followed the white man, at little if any interval: this is the order of empire westward. Every step of this succession is of absorbing interest and momentous consequence; perhaps none more so than those taken during what I may style the picturesque period, when the plain was furrowed not by the plow but by the hoof of the bison, when no Indian war-whoop had been silenced by a steam-whistle, when the trapper and trader were romantic figures in scenes untamed to more prosaic industries. Such times as these call for chroniclers; and it is the purpose of the American Explorer Series, of which the present volumes form a continuation, to traverse this historic ground, perhaps to cultivate some corners of this fruitful field. What results may be expected are instanced in the case of the Journal of Jacob Fowler, with which the series began. Whoever heard of it, or of its author, till this year of grace 1898? A floating paragraph in one or two not well-known books was to the vague effect that a trader named Glenn took a party to Santa Fe in 1822—that was all. Now we have the narrative of that enterprise, complete in every detail, in an authentic, genuine, original, contemporaneous human document—and of such is the kingdom of history.
Few persons now living may measure the full importance of the Fur Trade as a factor in the development of what has been called the “ wild and woolly-West “—thereby giving occasion for Lummis’ witty retort upon a “ tame and cottony East.” Fewer still can be aware of what iniquities and atrocities the seamy side of that indispensable industry reveals. Those who have read the Journals of Alexander Henry and David Thompson have had their eyes opened to the systematic swindling and debauching of Indians which characterized the traffic as conducted in Canada and some portions of the United States, and may readily believe that the pursuit of pelf in pelt was always tarred with the same stick. This identical subject—intrinsically important, in some respects repellent, never failing of tragic interest, albeit sordid and squalid—is continued in the autobiography of Charles Larpenteur.
As Fowler’s Journal and Fowler himself were until this year, so have Larpenteur and his narrative been hitherto—unknown. The latter, like the former, will be found composed of the very fiber that goes to the web of history. It is a notable and entirely novel contribution to our knowledge of the Fur Trade of the Upper Missouri for a period of more than an average lifetime, by one who lived the life and worked his way through it, from the position of a mere hand to that of one of its heads. Among other conclusions we may draw from this narrative, it would appear that the unpalliated and unmitigated evils were inherent in the system of traffic itself, red and white natures being what they respectively were; that there was a smoother than the seamy side of the business; that a good, kindly man might be about it, and die poor but honest; and that it called out some of the best as well as the worst of human qualities—some of the most manly, even heroic, traits, remote from cupidity and cruelty.
The circumstances under which Larpenteur’s manuscript came into my possession are to be here noted. One day in 1872, when my friend and then brother-officer of the medical corps of the army, Dr. Washington Matthews, was at Fort Buford, he received from the author a letter, the material portions of which I copy literally from the original now before me, as follows:
Little Sioux March the first. 1872
Doctr
Washington Mathew
Dear Sir
Your kind favor was received on the 29th ult. And was pleased to learn that you was well as well as all the folks, and that Buford was progressing so fast. I would like very much to see the old place again. I Cannot take any more Comfort down here, particularly after the death of my little boy. . .
But a few days ago I got through writing a book of my life, by this title—History—
of the life of Charles Larpenteur. With
many interesting Stories written by himself, after the residence of fourty years in the Indian Country Also his views on Indian affairs and sugestions for their governement
I intended to have this work publishd but it will Cost me more than I Can afford I have tried some in Sioux City, they say it will Cost $1. 5 per page, to get it ready for the print, now there Comes the printing, binding, and illustrations, it would amount to at least $500. not knowing whether it would take. This manuscript would be of some use to you, if you whish I will send it up to you, you Can look it over and tell me what you think of it. I think also that you Coud get it up in good shape for the print I would satisfy you well for your trouble. It will Contain about three hundred pages, a book the size of Ecy, omo [Ecce Homo] ... I have the honor to remain very respectfully
Yours
[signed] Chas Larpenteur
After some further correspondence, the original manuscript of this “ History of the Life of Charles Larpenteur,” etc., making about two hundred closely written foolscap pages, was mailed to Dr. Matthews by its author, on June 14, 1872. A clerical copy was made, and the original returned to its owner. This copy was kindly placed in my hands by Dr. Matthews, at Washington, D. C, on Oct. 17, 1897, for any use I might wish and be able to make of it. I soon afterward received the original from Mr. A. L. Larpenteur, of St. Paul, Minn., a nephew of the author; and through the friendly attentions of Mr. Mitchell Vincent, of Onawa, la., I was further favored with various other of Larpenteur’s autograph journals and note-books which had been found in the possession of his widow at Fontainebleau, near Little Sioux, la. Such are the first-hand materials upon which the present work has been prepared for publication; and thus has been realized the desire of the author’s heart, a quarter of a century after it ceased to beat.
Larpenteur seems to have cherished aspirations beyond his powers of accomplishment; his ambition outran the strict limitations of his frontier environment, so untoward authorship. He was fond of himself, as most persons are, and doubtless found in the pen a last means of relieving the uneasy introspection consequent upon financial failure, ill health, and other grievous burdens. But he journalized more or less from beginning to end of his adult life, the principal events of which he faithfully set forth, according to his lights, in the final “ History” which he completed a few months before his death.
Dr. Matthews, who knew Larpenteur personally, describes him to me as a small, spare, wiry man of distinct Gallic type, as shown in the photographic frontispiece of this volume. He was very intelligent, vivacious and witty in conversation, full of anecdote and reminiscence, and unusually well-informed for a man in his position. He was also fairly well-read, which may have made him a full man, though his reading never enabled him to acquire any consider-
able facility or felicity of expression in writing. Notwithstanding his habitual handling of the pen, he was never on good terms with English orthography and syntax. This does not seem to have been due to his nationality; English so early took the place of his mother tongue that it is not probable he could have written better, if as well, in French. Indeed, the rarity of a French phrase or word in his writings is notable, and there is hardly a trace of foreign idiom in the composition of this Français de France.
In disposition Larpenteur was kindly and amiable, though quite capable of harboring resentment against any who had ruffled his quick plumes or wounded his amour-propre. Personal vanity was no doubt his foible, as it is that of most Frenchmen, and a great many other people. That once wounded was hard to heal, perhaps never quite cured; and when unhurt it often made him consider himself a more important factor in the universe than the facts may have seemed to others to warrant. But he had marked ability in his business and was considered a safe and sure man, who could be implicitly trusted, even by those who did not like him personally; his integrity was questioned by none. This is a characterization given me by more than one person of whom he speaks disparagingly in his book, and whose good opinion in this particular I trust will not be modified by anything he has written. I think myself that he has been, no doubt unintentionally, unjust in one or two instances I could cite; but I have not felt at liberty to materially modify any expression of his sentiments. These are in the nature of quit-claims to some old scores, not open to reconsideration since the mortgage has been foreclosed by death.
“ The journalist,” as he often styled himself, took pride in his personal appearance, and liked to adorn it. He was very courteous in address, never addicted to profane or indecent language, and seldom drank—never to excess. All this was quite enough to set him apart unpleasantly from most of his associates, and make him a sort of white crow or black swan to the half-horse, half alligator individualities of that Missourian fraternity among whom his lot was cast. His courage was rather of the moral than of the physical kind, and therefore viewed with unconcern by the average dare-devil of his entourage. Unlike most of his white companions he had no dull indifference to theology; he took an inquisitive interest in such speculations, and became an unbeliever in church creeds and dogmas. He found in salutary cynical philosophy a refuge from the many reverses and misfortunes he experienced; and his final financial ruin in the business to which he had devoted the best years of his life had made him a practical pessimist by the time he wrote his memoirs. A Voltairish undertone runs through them; he seems to be always greeting the inevitable with a shrug, and soothing his self-love to the last by shifting the blame on fate—as much as to say, I must have been born to bad luck, else how explain this result of all my industry, ability, and other commendable qualities? He was a man who made warm friends, and enemies of like temperature; those who knew him best were most likely to be the former. As for the latter, we must remember the significant fact, that almost every native American on the Upper Missouri hated a Frenchman on general principles, as a matter of race-prejudice hardly possible to overcome.
But of all such things, and others that might occupy the remainder of this Introduction, the discerning reader will be able to judge as well as the editor, upon sufficient scrutiny of the full-length portraiture Larpenteur has naively left of his individuality. The editor need not say much of his share in the net result, as it consists chiefly in polishing and hanging appropriately the mirror in which Larpenteur viewed his own likeness. The author was aware of his literary infirmity when he sent the manuscript to Dr. Matthews, thinking that the latter “ could get it up in good shape for the print “; and this is what I have tried to do. The writing was not bad enough to preserve inviolate as a curiosity, like Jacob Fowler’s; yet there was scarcely a sentence in it all that did not need to be recast to some extent in preparing the manuscript for publication. But this is a mere matter of grammar; I have simply helped the author to express himself; the sense and sentiment are his own, if the style is not.
Readers of Larpenteur will judge of his ability as a raconteur. Of his truthfulness there is no question. He has given us a very notable contribution to the history of the West—one with which future writers upon his time and scene must reckon. I am sure that this is a book of which it may be said, in the mother tongue of a Montaigne, “ cecy est un livre de bonne foy.”
Dr. Washington Matthews, who generously relinquished to me his copy of the original manuscript, is further to be credited with no small share of the editing, annotating, and illustrating of these volumes. I make more formal acknowledgment to him on a preceding page; here I have the pleasure of witnessing his kind assistance throughout the work. In reading the proofs with me he has always given me the benefit of his long experience on the Upper Missouri, of his keen criticism and wise counsel: so that, if any points be left obscure or dubious, it is because our united intellects were unequal to the emergency. I am also particularly indebted to Mr. Mitchell Vincent for placing much valuable material in my hands, including a map of Fontainebleau and vicinity, which he drew for this work; and to Lieutenant Colonel H. M. Chittenden, Corps of Engineers, U. S. A., for many friendly attentions and valued suggestions during the progress of the work. I have also been assisted in various ways by Mr. A. L. Larpenteur and Mrs. Charles Larpenteur; Mr. Henry A. Boiler, of Denver, Col., who has taken in such good part certain strictures which will be found in his quondam partner’s text; Hon. Charles Aldrich, of the State Historical Department, Des-moines, la.; Mr. John H. Charles, of Sioux City, la.; Mr. D. W. Butts, of Little Sioux, la.; Mr. D. W. Longfellow, of Minneapolis, Minn.; Rev. C. L. Hall, of Elbowoods, N. Dak.; Mr. W. O. Owen, of Cheyenne, Wyo.; Mr. Maurice Kingsley, of New Rochelle, N. Y.; Mr. F. W. Hodge, of the U. S. Bureau of Ethnology at Washington, D. C; General O. B. Willcox, U. S. A.; Prof. Asaph Hall, of Cambridge, Mass.; Ex-President Benjamin Harrison, of Indianapolis, Ind.; and Miss Helen P. Clarke, of the Otoe Agency, Okla. The extensive Index, which renders immediately accessible every capitalized name to be looked for in the book, and various other subjects, has been prepared by Mrs. Mary B. Anderson with the same skill and care she has shown in several previous instances.
E. C.
No. 1726 N Street, Washington, D. C, October 17, 1898.
LARPENTEUR’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY,
CHAPTER I.(1807-33.)MY PARENTAGE AND EARLY LIFE.
IN ORDER TO INSPIRE THE reader with confidence in the veracity of my writing—for it must be borne in mind that I write this book for true and faithful information of the public—I thought it would be well to give him an introduction to myself, before entering on the journey.
I was born in France, in the year 1807, five miles from Fontainebleau, on the border of the beautiful Seine, 45 miles from Paris. My father, who was neither rich nor poor, but a great Bonapartist, left France for America immediately after the battle of Waterloo, thinking that the American government would make some attempt to get Napoleon off the island of St. Helena; but after conversing with several individuals, and particularly with Commodore Porter,he found that the government would countenance no such attempt. So the project was abandoned—I say the project, for it had been started by the many French officers who were at the time in Philadelphia. Louis XVIII. having issued a pardon, most of them returned to France. My father returned after an absence of one year, during which he found the American government and the country to suit him. So he sold all his property and left France in 1818, with a family of four children—three boys and one daughter, I being the youngest son. In his travels in America he had chosen Baltimore as his future residence. Having landed at New York we came to Baltimore, where he purchased a small farm of 60 acres, five miles from the city. This farm belonged to some French who had been forced to emigrate by the massacre of St. Domingo, and was established by Monsieur La Bié Du Bourgh De Berg [sic]; it was well supplied with fruits, but the soil was poor and stony, and this lad got sick of it. Hearing much of the fine rich soil of Missouri, I determined to try my luck in the Far West—for at that time it was considered quite a journey to St. Louis.
So at the age of twenty-one I determined to leave home, and started with a gentleman by the name of J. W. Johnson, who had been a sutler at Prairie du Chien, and had a large number of negroes whom he was taking to Missouri. I assisted him as far as Wheeling, where he took a steamer, and I went across country on horseback alone. That is 43 years ago. I had a fine trip of 22 days. I remained two years about St. Louis in the capacity of overseer for Major Benjamin O’Fallon, a retired Indian agent, with whom I had a great deal to talk about Indians and Indian countries, which finally induced me to try the wilderness.
My first trip was up the Mississippi to Des Moines rapids, the year previous to the Black Hawk War of 1832. At this time there were two stores at Keo-cuck—not yet called by that name; one of them belonged to an individual named Stillwell, and the other to Mr. Davenport, who was afterward murdered on Rock Island. I came up to the place in a small steamer called the Red Rover, commanded by Capt. Throgmorton, who is still alive and has made many trips up this river—as fine a gentleman as I ever knew. On the way up I became acquainted with Mr. Blondo, interpreter for the Sac and Fox Indians. He took a great fancy to me, and nothing would do but I must go with him to his farm, seven miles up the rapids, and remain there until the boat got over the rapids, which it was supposed would take a long time, as the river was very low. I consented, got a horse caloh, and we started. The improvements consisted of a comfortable log cabin, and Blondo was indeed well fixed for the country at the time. After some little time he took me into the village and introduced me to several of the leading men, of whom a great many were drunk, and toward evening he got so drunk himself that he frequently asked me if I did not want to “ smell powder,” but as I never felt like smelling powder as he proposed, I declined, not knowing why he used the expression. After the spree the old gentleman was very kind, took me all over the half-breed reservation—as fine country as I ever saw—and finally remarked that he would give me all the land I wanted if I should happen to make a match with his niece, Louise Dauphin. That was said after I had given up the idea of going on to Prarie du Chien, where I was bound; but, thinking myself too young, I declined all overtures, although I confess that I came very near accepting the offer, for Louise was one of the handsomest girls I ever saw—it cost me many long sighs to leave her, and more afterward.
After two months’ residence at the rapids I returned to St. Louis, with full determination to see more of the wild Indians. General Ashley, who was then carrying on great beaver trapping in the Rocky mountains, was in the habit of hiring as many as 100 men every spring. They were engaged for 18 months, to return in the fall of the following year with the furs. Not long after I came from the rapids General Ashley’s party returned from the mountains with 100 packs of beaver. A pack of beaver is made up of 60 average beavers, supposed to weigh 100 lbs., worth in New York at that time from $7 to $8 per lb. It is impossible to describe my feelings at the sight of all that beaver—all those mountain men unloading their mules, in their strange mountain costume—most of their garments of buckskin and buffalo hide, but all so well-greased and worn that it took close examination to tell what they were made of. To see the mules rolling and dusting is interesting and shocking at the same time; most of them, having carried their burdens of 200 pounds’ weight for about 2,000 miles, return with scarcely any skin on their backs; they are peeled from withers to tail, raw underneath from use of the surcingle, and many are also lame.
William Sublette and Robert Campbell had attended General Ashley on several trips to the mountains—Campbell as clerk, mostly on account of his health; he had previously been clerk for Keith and O’Fallon, Sublette was a farmer near St. Louis, but was more for trapping beaver than farming.
The sight of all this made me determined to take a trip of the same kind. The journey to the Rocky mountains at that early period was considered very hard, and dangerous on account of the Pawnees and Blackfeet. While trapping that summer William Sublette had been badly wounded in the shoulder in a fight with the Blackfeet. But not all this danger, and the hardships to be endured on such a trip, could prevent me from engaging, in the spring of I833.
I first provided myself with a good recommendation from Major Benjamin O’Fallon, who was well known for his integrity, and would give no one a recommendation unless he deserved it. Provided with this document I next made application to the American Fur Company, which was then carried on by P. Chouteau and Co. J. J. Astor was still in the company. Mr. J. B. Sarpy was at the time the person who engaged the men. As I was young, well dressed, and not a bad-looking lad, but did not seem to be very robust, he remarked that he did not think I would answer for his purposes. I then showed him my document from the major, whom we both knew well, and the remark he made was, “Ah, if you had not deserved this, you would not have gotten it.” Then, said he, “you are a Frenchman?” I replied in the affirmative. “ You have some education,” he continued ; “ why do you want to engage as a common hand? “ I then told him that my desire was to see the Rocky mountains, that I was willing to undergo all the hardships of such a voyage, and that I wished to start from this place on horseback. He then referred me to Messrs. Sublette and Campbell, saying that, if I engaged with him, I should have to go as far as Fort Pierre, and there start for the mountains with Mr. Fontenelle. Being anxious for an immediate ride, that proposition did not suit me. I then went to the office of Sublette and Co., which firm had bought out all Gen. Ashley’s interests in the mountains, and were also making up an outfit to carry on an opposition to all the trading posts of the American Fur Co. on the Missouri; but I did not know this when I first applied to them. I found Mr. Campbell in his store, and on informing him of my intentions he appeared to have pretty much the same ideas as Mr. Sarpy. I soon discovered this and showed him my recommendation. Being very much of a gentleman, he had the politeness to invite me to his office, and there did all he could to make me abandon the idea of taking such a trip, giving me a full description of what I should be likely to undergo. But nothing could deter me; go I must, and under the promise that he should never hear me grumble, I signed an article of agreement for 18 months, for the sum $296 and such food as could be procured in the Indian country—that excluded bread, sugar, and coffee.
Now I was thus enlisted, ready for service; but Mr. Campbell was kind to me and always did his best to make my situation pleasant. So he employed me in St. Louis to assist in packing goods for the upper country, and in equipping the men who were getting ready to leave with the mules for Lexington, Mo., to await the arrival of the steamer which was to bring all their goods up to that point, and of the keel boat which was intended to be cordelled or towed as far as Fort Union with goods for the Indian trade. I was kept in the store until all the outfits had left St. Louis.
April 7th, 1833.—Now, my dear reader, my mule is saddled, bridled, and hitched at the store in Washington avenue, St. Louis, ready to take me to Lexington, to join the party. If you wish to sacrifice all the comforts of civil life, come with me and share what I shall endure—but no! you can do better than that. For a small sum wherewith to purchase this book you can know it all without leaving your comfortable room. So good-by to civilization—not for eighteen months, but for forty years.
Myself and an individual by the name of Redman started in advance of Mr. Campbell, who was to join us at St. Charles. After we had been there two days he arrived with a young man named James Lee, and a little Snake Indian called Friday, who had been adopted by Mr. Fitzpatrick, a trapper in the mountains and afterward an Indian agent—for which tribe I do not recollect. I shall not be able to give exact dates, as I did not expect to ever write a book; but I will endeavor to come as near as possible. We were eight days on our journey from St. Charles to Lexington; we fared extremely well, Mr. Campbell having treated us like himself wherever we put up.
On the 18th [or 20th] of April we reached Lexington, where we found our party camped in tents, awaiting our arrival. There the sumptuous fares were all over. Mr. Campbell called me up and said, “ Charles, I will now assign you to your mess. I have a mess of nine first-rate old voyageurs—French boys from Cahokia—you will be well off with them.” I was not quite a stranger to them, having formed acquaintance with some of them before leaving St. Louis; and I am glad to say that they did all they could for me as long as I remained with them. None of those men had any education, and would frequently remark that if I took care of myself I could get into good business. Our fare during our stay at Lexington was not bad; we drew rations like soldiers, and having yet a little pocket money we could add to our provisions considerably. As to our bedding, it was not very soft, for we were not allowed to carry more than one pair of 3-pound blankets. A few days after our arrival mules were given to each of us—two to pack and one to ride. Mr. Campbell gave me his favorite mule Simon to ride; old Simon was not so kind that he would not buck me off his back when he took a notion to do so, but on the whole was a good fellow in comparison with many others. My two pack mules were very gentle, but would kick off their packs sometimes. My two loads consisted of beaver traps and a small top pack—a choice load, not likely to turn over like dry goods. As I was a green hand my mates assisted me a great deal, and I was always thankful to them for it.
CHAPTER II. (1833 )OVER THE PLAINS TO THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS.
ON THE 12TH OF MAY we took our departure for the mountains, and at the same time the keel boat left Lexington landing, manned by thirty men with the cordell on their shoulders, some of them for the distance of about 1800 miles. Our party consisted of 40 enlisted men; Robert Campbell, boss in charge; Louis Vasquez, an old mountain man; Mr. Johnesse, a clerk in charge of the men, whose place it was to remain in the rear to aid in readjusting the loads, which would get out of order, and to have an eye to the whole cavalcade. As guests, were Captain Stewart from England, on a pleasure trip; old General Harrison’s son, with the view to break him from drinking whiskey; and Mr. Edmund Christy, of St. Louis.
Now hard times commenced. At first the mules kicking off packs and running away was amusing for those who were all right, but mighty disagreeable for the poor fellows who were out of luck. I had my share of this, but it was not to be compared with the troubles of some of my comrades. This kind of kicking up lasted three or four days in full blast; it finally subsided, yet there would be a runaway almost every day. Our fare consisted of bacon and hard-tack—no sugar nor coffee—for three or four days, after which we each received a small piece of sheep meat, as we had a drove to last us until we got into the buffalo. While the sheep lasted we had but that alone. I then commenced to think that what Mr. Campbell had remarked was on the march. About a week after we had been under march the guard was established, and I was appointed an officer. It became the duty of the officer every third day to post his men around the camp, as soon as all the animals were brought in and picketed in the circle of the camp; those men were to remain quite still at their stations; the officer was to cry out “ All’s well “ every 20 minutes, and the men to cry out the same, so as to find out whether they were asleep or awake. Should any one fail to reply, it was then the duty of the officer to go the rounds to find out the individual, and if caught asleep to take his gun to the boss’ tent; then in the morning he would be informed of what he had to undergo, which was a $5 fine and three walks. The men on guard were not permitted to move from their stations, as it was considered dangerous on account of Indians being known to creep up to camp and watch to shoot someone whom they could discover strolling about; so the officer was more in danger than his men. The usual time of guard was 2½ hours. Having traveled all day, being obliged to remain quiet at one’s post was very trying on the sleeping organs, and consequently there would be some poor fellow trudging along on footalmost every day. Our route, as well as I can remember, crossed the Little and Big Blue rivers and continued along the south side of the Platte. I complained, as my messmates did, of the sheep meat, but they consoled me as well as themselves by speaking of the fine feast we soon would have on the buffalo, which they said they would prefer to all the good messes that could be gotten up in the States. Three days after we had reached the Platte the hunters brought in one evening a load of meat; but the cry of “ buffalo meat! “ was heard long before they came in, and there was great rejoicement in camp. Sheep meat could be had very cheap that evening, and it was amusing to see the cooks hunting their kettles—some cursing them for being too small, as though it was the poor kettle’s fault for its size; but it was not long before they found the kettles were large enough. Then came trouble—there was no wood to be found about camp, and all the fuel we could obtain was the stalks of some large dried weeds, the wild sunflower. Now and then some hungry fellow would bring in a small armful of that kind of fuel, and his first words would be, “ Is the kettle boiling? “ Upon being answered in the negative a long string of bad expressions would be heard, the mildest being, “ Waugh! I believe that damned kettle won’t never boil!” Thanks to the virtue of sunflower stalks, however, it boiled at last, and every countenance became pleasant at the thought of tasting that much-talked-of buffalo meat. When it was thought cooked by the old voyageurs, preparations were made to dish it out; but, as we had no pans, a clean place was looked for on the grass, and the contents of the kettle were poured out. All hands seated around the pile hauled out their long butcher knives, opened their little sacks of salt, and then began operations. But it was not long before bad expressions were again used in regard to the highly praised quality of buffalo meat. “ I can’t chew it” Tougher’n whalebone “—” If that’s the stuff we’ve got to live on for eighteen months, God have mercy on us!” For my part I thought about the same, but said nothing; and after I had chewed as long as I could without being able to get it in swallowing condition, I would seize an opportunity to spit it into my hand, and throw it out unseen behind me. My comrades asked me how I liked buffalo meat; I replied I thought it might be some better than it was, and they said, “ Never mind, Larpenteur; wait until we get among the fat cows—then you will see the difference.” At this time of the year, in the early part of June, the cows are not fit to kill; for they have their young calves, and are very poor. For several days after this sheep meat would have kept up its price, and perhaps would have risen in value; but none was allowed to come into market, what little there was being reserved for the boss’ mess. So we had to go it on buffalo alone; but, thank Providence! we soon got into fine fat cows, and fared well. My comrades had told me that we should now get a sickness called by them le mal de vache; it is a dysentery caused by eating too much fat meat alone, and some are known to have died of it. So it was not long after we fared so well on the fat of the land that very bad expressions were used in reference to living on meat alone.
I cannot say that anything of great importance took place during our journey to the rendezvous; but nowadays, when we have a great deal to say in the newspapers about traveling from Sioux City to Fort Randall, I think that I may indulge in a few more remarks before I reach Green river. After crossing the South fork of the Platte, the only curiosity of note is Chimney Rock ; that part of the country is
toowellknownatpresentformetoenterintoany descriptionofit.FromthispointtoLaRamie’sfortnothingtookplaceworthmentioningexceptthe overthrowofourlongfriendMarsh.Ithappened that,intravelingthroughacountrythicklysettled withpricklypears,badluckwouldhaveitthatasmall particleofoneaccidentallyfounditselfunderthetail ofhisridingmule.Thepooranimal,findingitself sobadlypricked,kickedandbuckedatsucharate thatourlongfriendwassoonunsaddled,andthrown flatonhisbackinalargebunchofthepricklypears.
Althoughhewasoversixfeetinhisstockings,the lengthofhislimbswasnotenoughtoreachoutof thepatch;andtherehelay,beggingforpity’ssake, ofhiscomrades,astheypassedby,tohelphimoutof hispricklysituation.Butallheheardinreplytohis entreatieswasburstsoflaughterthroughoutthe companyastheypassedby,tillhewasrelievedbyMr. Johnesse,whohadchargeoftherear.Icouldbut pitythepoorfellow,but,atthesametime,hissituationexcitedmirth.Therehelayinalargebunchof pricklypears,stretchedoutasthoughhehadbeen crucified.PoorMarsh!Ishallrememberhimas longasIlive.
OnapproachingLaRamie’sriverwediscovered threelargebuffaloeslyingdeadclosetogether.The partywasorderedtostopandformindoubleline, whilethehuntersweregonetofindoutthecauseof thosebuffaloes’deaths,surmisingthattheyhadbeen killedbyIndians.Theyweregonebutalittlewhile beforetheyreturned,reportingthattheanimalshad beenkilledbylightningduringastormwehadthe previousday;soourfearsofIndianswereremoved, andthepartyresumedtheirmarch.Wesoon reachedthe[Laramie]river,wherewewereordered todismountandgotoworkmakingaboatoutofthe hidesofthebuffalo—quiteanewkindofboatto me.Buttheboatwasmade,andthepartywithall thegoodswerecrossedoverbysunset.Thenext day,orthedayafter,accordingtocustomMr.CampbellsentMr.Vasquezwithtwomentohuntupsome trappers,inordertofindoutwheretherendezvous wouldbe,andweawaitedtheirreturnatthisplace. Theyweregoneeightdays,whichtimeweenjoyed inhuntingandfeastingonthebestofbuffalomeat. Onthearrivalofthetrappersandhuntersabig drunkenspreetookplace.Ourboss,whowasa goodone,anddidnotliketobebackwardinsuch things,Isawflatonhisbellyonthegreengrass,pouringoutwhathecouldnotholdin.Earlynextmorningeverythingwasrightagain,andordersweregiven tocatchupandstart.Everythingmovedquite smoothlyuntilwereachedtheDivide,wheremy
faithfuloldSimon—Imaysaythewholetrinity— playedoutonme.Abouttwohoursbeforecamping timethepackofoneofmymulesgotsomuchoutof orderthatIwasobligedtostoptolashitagain.Mr. Simon,whowasinthehabitofwaitingformeon occasionsofthatkind,changedhisnotionandtook itintohisheadtofollowthepartywithoutme;the well-packedonefollowedsuit,anditwasallIcould dotopreventthethirdonefromleavingbeforegettinghispackon;butassoonasthatwasdonethe gentlemantooktohisheels,andallthreegotinto tampaboutanhourbeforeme.ThewantofSimon wasthecauseofmybeingobligedtowadeasmall creek—tributarytotheSweetwater—whichwasvery cold,althoughitwasthe2d ofJuly.Iwaswetupto mywaist,anditwasmyguardlatethatnight.When Iwaswakenedtogoonguardmyclotheswerestill wet,andonthatmorning,the3d ofJuly,water frozeinourkettlesnearlyaquarterofaninchthick. Ifeltquitechillyandwassickforabouteightdays.
AsnearasIcanrememberwereachedtherendezvousonGreenriveronthe8th ofJuly.There werestillsomeofCapt.Bonneville’smeninasmall stockade.Hehadcomeuptheyearprevious [1832]. Thusendedourjourneysofar.
CHAPTER III.(1833.)"FROM GREEN RIVER RENDEZVOUS BY THE BIGHORN AND THE YELLOWSTONE TO THE MISSOURI.
THEDAYAFTERWEREACHEDtherendezvousMr. Campbell,withtenmen,startedtoraiseabeaver cacheataplacecalledbytheFrenchTrouaPierre, whichmeansPeter’sHole.AsIwassick,Mr.Campbellleftmeincamp,andplacedMr.Fitzpatrickin chargeduringhisabsence,tellingthelattertotake goodcareofme,andifthemanRedman,whomhe leftasclerk,didnotanswer,totryme.Inashort timeatentwasriggedupintoakindofsaloon,and suchdrinking,yelling,andshootingaswentonI,of course,neverhadheardbefore.Mr.Redman,among therest,finallygotsodrunkthatMr.Fitzpatrickcould donothingwithhim,andtherewasnotasoberman tobefoundincampbutmyself.SoMr.FitzpatrickaskedmeifIwouldtrymyhandatclerking.I remarkedthatIwaswillingtodomybest,andatit Iwent.Forseveraldaysnothingbutwhiskywas sold,at$5 apint.Thereweregreatquarrelsand fightsoutside,butImustsaythemenwereverycivil tome.Mr.Fitzpatrickwasdelighted,andwondered tomewhyMr.Campbellhadnotmentionedmefor ‘clerkinthefirstinstanceinsteadofthatdrunkenRedman.AftersevenoreightdaysMr.Campbellreturnedwithtenpacksofbeaver.Afewdaysafterwardtherumorwascirculatedincampthathewas abouttosellouttheirinterestinthemountainsto Fitzpatrick,EdmundChristy,Frap,andGervais. Inthemeantimespreesabated,andthetrapperscommencedtobuytheirlittleoutfits,consistingof blankets,scarletshirts,tobacco,andsomefew trinketstotradewiththeSnakeIndians,during whichtransactionsIofficiatedasclerk.
Therumorsatlastbecameverified;thesaleswere effected,butthingswentonasusualuntilMr. Campbellsentformeonemorning.Onenteringhis tentIwaspresentedwithagoodcupofcoffeeanda large-sizedbiscuit;thiswasagreattreat,forIbelievethatitwasthefirstcoffeeIhaddrunk sinceIleftLexington.Thenheremarked, “Charles,IsupposeyouhaveheardthatIsoldout ourinterestinthemountains;butIhavereservedall yourmess,tenmules,andthecattle(wehadfour cowsandtwobulls,intendedfortheYellowstone). Ihave30 packsofbeaver,whichFitzistoassistme withasfarastheBighornriver,whereIintendto makeskinboatsandtakemybeaverdowntothe mouthoftheYellowstone.ThereIexpecttomeet Sublette,whoistotakethepacksontoSt.Louis. YouareoneofthetenmenwhomIhavereserved, butFitzwouldlikemuchtohaveyouremainwith him,andIleaveyouthechoice,tostaywithhim orcomewithme.”Myreplywas,“Mr.Campbell, Ihaveengagedtoyou,youhavetreatedmelikea gentleman,andIwishtofollowyouwhereveryou go.”Uponwhichhesaid,“Verywell,verywell,” withakindsmile;“gotoyourmess.”Onreturning,mymessmates,expectingsomenews,askedme whatwastheresultofmyvisittotheboss;and,on beinginformed,agreatshoutofjoywastheanswer.
Thebeaverwasallpackedandpressedreadyforthe march;sothenextdaytheordercametocatchup theanimals,receiveourpacks,andmovecamp. Thiswasnotourfinaldeparture;itwasmerelytoget afreshgrazinggroundforthemulesandhorses.
Adayorsolaterwelearnedthatamadwolfhad gotintoMr.Fontenelle’scampaboutfivemilesfrom us,andhadbittensomeofhismenandhorses.My messmates,whowereoldhands,hadheardofthelike before,whenmenhadgonemad.Itwasverywarm, towardthelatterendofJuly;wewereinthehabitof sleepingintheopenair,andnevertookthetrouble toputupthetent,exceptinbadweather;butwhen eveningcametheboyssetupthetent.Someofthe othermessesasked,“Whatisthatfor?“Thereplywas,“Oh,madwolfcome—hebiteme.”When thetimecametoretirethepacksaddleswerebrought uptobarricadetheentranceofourtent,theonlyone upincamp,exceptingthatoftheboss.Afterall handshadretirednothingwasheardinthecampexcept,nowandthen,thecryof“All’swell,”andsome loudsnoring,tillthesuddencryof,“Oh,I’mbitten!"—thenimmediatelyanother,andanother. Threeofourmenwerebittenthatnight,allofthem intheface.Onepoorfellow,bythenameofGeorge Holmes,wasbadlybittenontherightearandface. Allhandsgotupwiththeirgunsinpursuitofthe animal,buthemadehisescape.Whendaylight camemenweremountedtogoinsearch,butnothing couldbeseenofhim.Itwasthenthoughtthathe hadgoneandwasnotlikelytoreturn,andnofurtherprecautionwastakenthanthenightbefore.But itseemsthatMr.Wolf,whowasthoughtfaraway, hadhiddennearcamp;foraboutmidnightthecryof “madwolf“washeardagain.Thistimetheanimal wasamongthecattleandbitourlargestbull,which wentmadafterwardontheBighorn,wherewemade theboats.Thewolfcouldhavebeenshot,
