Henry VIII E-Book

John Matusiak

• Herausgeber: The History Press
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 643

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2013

Beschreibung

This compelling new account of Henry VIII is by no means yet another history of the 'old monster' and his reign. The 'monster' displayed here is, at the very least, a newer type, more beset by anxieties and insecurities, and more tightly surrounded by those who equated loyalty with fear, self-interest and blind obedience. This ground-breaking book also demonstrates that Henry VIII's priorities were always primarily martial rather than marital, and accepts neither the necessity of his all-consuming quest for a male heir nor his need ultimately to sever ties with Rome. As the story unfolds, Henry's predicaments prove largely of his own making, the paths he chooses neither the only nor the best available. For Henry VIII was not only a bad man, but also a bad ruler who failed to achieve his aims and blighted the reigns of his two immediate successors. Five hundred years after he ascended the throne, the reputation of England's best known king is being rehabilitated and subtly sanitized. Yet Tudor historian John Matusiak paints a colourful and absorbingly intimate portrait of a man wholly unfit for power.

Leseprobe

‘Let us cease to sing the praises of the English Nero’

Philipp Melanchthon, 1540

Contents

Title Page

Epigraph

Dedication

Author’s Note

Acknowledgements

1.    The Child Within the Man

2.    A Prince Beyond Improvement

3.    The Golden World of Coeur Loyall

4.    Brought Up Out of Nought

5.    Palace of Illusions

6.    Defender of the Faith

7.    Puissance and Penury

8.    Impulse Born of Passion

9.    The Infinite Clamour of Deadlock

10.    Plenary, Whole and Entire Power

11.    The Lion Learns His Strength

12.    Who Hastes to Climb Seeks to Revert

13.    Opinionate and Wilful

Epilogue

Source Notes and Bibliographical Information

Plate Section

Copyright

Author’s Note

Though authors may well be forgiven for thinking otherwise, most books are ultimately committee products, and none more so than those whose subject is the past. The reign of Henry VIII has, of course, attracted more than its fair share of exceptional scholars and gifted popular biographers, and many have left their own particular imprint upon this altogether humbler endeavour. As a result of their dedication, there appear, for now, to be few new facts to glean and even fewer genuinely novel trails of research to blaze. But if the highways and byways of Henry’s reign have been well trod, fresh perspectives and new syntheses are always available, especially where the man himself is concerned. In this, perhaps, lies the permanent allure of much historical writing. Certainly it lies at the heart of what follows.

Acknowledgements

I am as indebted as any author can be to a host of influences and legion of authorities, too numerous, sadly, even to be remembered let alone listed. The efforts of Lacey Baldwin Smith, Carolly Erickson, John Bowle, Neville Williams, Charles Ferguson and Marie Louise Bruce have both inspired and informed my work. And though the blame for any flaws is mine alone, I shall remain grateful both to them and countless others who have helped the book on its way. For, if ever a work arrived at its final destination by twists of chance and gusts of unexpected good fortune, it is this one. To Mark Beynon, who plucked it from its attic resting place, I owe a vote of special thanks. Likewise, a timely word of remembrance is surely due to the trio of eminent men who set the template for my education at the University of London precisely forty years ago. The late S.T. Bindoff, A.G. Dickens and Joel Hurstfield were all magisterial figures, and if the first, in particular, was so much more devoted to ‘archival positivism’ than I, it remains to his infinite credit. In the years that followed, some of my own students also played no small role in helping frame my ideas. Yet it is to Barbara and the rest of my family, as well as my small circle of special friends, that I am especially indebted. To those others who supported and encouraged, I offer my hand. They know who they are.

1

The Child Within the Man

‘You have vanquished your enemies; you have gained many kingdoms; you have subdued many empires; you have acquired sovereignty of the entire east: but all the same you have neglected to control, or have been unable to govern, the small domain of your mind and body.’

Aristotle’s words to Alexander the Great, quoted to the future Henry VIII by his tutor John Skelton.

The birth of Henry VIII, unlike that of his elder brother, Arthur, was a distinctly muted episode. When Arthur, Prince of Wales, was born four weeks prematurely on 20 September 1486, he was hailed at once as the ‘rosebush of England’, the living embodiment of lasting union between the rival houses of York and Lancaster. Accordingly, the place of his birth was chosen in careful symmetry with his first name both to conjure a sense of long tradition and to affirm the mystique of his exalted station. Winchester was, after all, the ancient capital of the country’s legendary past and in its cathedral hung the Round Table itself, freshly painted with Tudor emblems. As riders sped through the late summer countryside to herald the ‘comfortable good tidings’, bells pealed and joyous Te Deums resounded in chapels far and wide. In thronging streets huge bonfires blazed and roared to mark ‘the rejoicing of every true Englishman’, while at court, the Italian poets Pietro Carmeliano and Giovanni Gigli soared into raptures of exultant Latin verse in honour of the baby prince sent at last to heal a nation’s wounds.

If, however, there was like rejoicing nearly five years later on 28 June 1491 when Henry VIII slipped into the world, no chronicler records it. His christening in the church of the Franciscan Observants, to which the silver font from Canterbury Cathedral had been specially transported, was duly elaborate and, having been cleansed supposedly of the evil spirit, he was borne from the service in reverent style, preceded by the jubilant sound of trumpets and pipes and a splendid array of his godparents’ gifts of gold and silver plate. Yet though the king and queen considered their second son an entirely welcome addition, they hailed him more as safeguard than saviour, a hopefully unredeemed insurance policy for his elder brother against the vagaries of Renaissance medical science. On this occasion, too, just as poets were wholly underwhelmed, so posterity was largely overlooked. Amid the yawning propaganda vacuum, Bernard André, the royal historian, devoted no more than fifty words to the new prince’s birth in his Vita Henrici VII, including in the same inconsequential passage an incidental announcement of the birth of an elder sister, Margaret.

A similar vaguely half-hearted attitude seems to have influenced the choice of Henry’s birthplace. Neither Winchester nor Westminster (where Margaret had been born) was this time selected for the purpose. Instead, the lusty infant heaved his first breath at the palace named Placentia, better known to us today as Greenwich, which was then esteemed less for its weighty historic significance than for its sweet air, agreeable river setting and reassuring distance from the plague-ridden capital. It was here that Prince Henry, anointed with oil, sprinkled with rosewater and swaddled in blue velvet and cloth-of-gold, was first laid in the great cradle of estate. Like all new born babies he was, as yet, an innocent genetic mystery waiting to unravel with circumstance.

Some six years earlier, in September 1485, the infant’s father had been greeted in London for the first time as Henry VII. Though received at Shoreditch amid magnificent display, he was still as yet a mysterious king from nowhere, whose legitimacy was derived from little more than England’s desperation in that hour. While his great-grandfather had gained infamy as a fugitive Welsh brewer wanted for murder, his paternal grandfather had found fortune and influence only by seducing Henry V’s French widow after some years as an official of her household. It was true that the new king’s mother, Margaret Beaufort, was descended from John of Gaunt, but only from the wrong side of the blanket and although a parliament had made her legitimate along with her children, it had also expressly barred them from the throne. If, in any case, Henry VII’s claim came through his mother, it was she and not her son who should have been crowned. But, in spite of this inauspicious pedigree, it was the improbable victor of Bosworth Field who had ultimately come to lay his battle banners at St Paul’s, with trumpets sounding, and it was he who would demonstrate the strength to hold as well as the will to get in a land accustomed to turbulence.

‘The French vice is lechery and the English vice treachery’, ran the saying, and no impartial observer could have doubted at least the second half of this maxim when the first Tudor cautiously mounted his throne. Though for nine-tenths of the population the protracted and disjointed squabbles that today we call the Wars of the Roses were little more than ‘kings’ games’, a contemporary parliamentary petition had still complained how ‘in divers parts of this realm, great abominable murders, robberies, extortions, oppressions and other manifold maintenances, misgovernances, forcible entries, affrays and assaults be committed, and as yet remain unpunished’. Estate jumping, abduction of heiresses and casual brigandage had become, in effect, a modish pastime for the high-born Englishmen depicted to this day on their tombs and brasses in plate armour. Indeed, no less a figure than Sir Thomas Malory, who had apparently written Morte D’Arthur ‘that we fall not through vice and sin, but exercise and follow virtue’, found himself in prison in 1485 for sheep-stealing, sacrilege, extortion, rape and attempted murder.

Yet after little more than a decade of Henry VII’s coldly efficient application of the royal will, chroniclers’ laments and prayers for good rule would be out of fashion. The Venetian envoy Sanuto rightly recognised that the king was ‘a man of great ability’ and nowhere was this better exemplified than in his restoration of respect for due authority. True enough, he had limited objectives but, in the words of Francis Bacon, ‘what he minded he compassed’ and if his meticulous attention to detail and cagey awareness of human weakness were no doubt unpopular virtues at times, he knew how to behave regally, refusing to others ‘any near or full approach, either to his power or secrets’. Likewise, he chose and managed his servants well, won the disaffected to his cause by securing their ‘loving dread’, and had ensured by the time of his death that the royal coffers, while not bulging, were at least no longer achingly empty. If, however, Henry VII’s methodical realism might win a crown and tame a realm against all odds, the bridling of a troublous son would prove, in due course, an altogether different proposition. That this same son would lay waste so much of his father’s work and flout so many of the principles that had guided his rule had, of course, an irony all of its own.

It was not the least of the first Tudor’s merits that, in an age when the moral laxity of royal courts was all too common, he remained unswervingly faithful to his wife. No less than her husband, Elizabeth of York had been battered by past insecurities. Born the eldest daughter of Edward IV, she had been compelled at the age of 5, when Henry VI was restored briefly to the throne, to flee with her mother, Elizabeth Woodville, into sanctuary at Westminster. Six months later she had ridden out of the same Abbey gates in the embrace of her triumphant father, only to be forced back once more into the Church’s protection at his sudden death when she was all but eighteen. Thereupon, she and her sisters and surviving brothers (Edward aged 12 and Richard aged 9) had been declared illegitimate, while their mother was accused of sorcery. Nor was this the end of Elizabeth’s troubles, for later, after her uncle had been crowned Richard III, her brothers disappeared from view in the Tower amid rumours that they had been murdered.

The funeral effigy of Henry VIII’s mother in Westminster Abbey bears witness today to her graceful features, and the likeness of her now hanging in the National Portrait Gallery also suggests a woman of some considerable beauty with a well-proportioned face, fair complexion, golden tresses and long, elegant hands. Neither image lays bare the inner woman, however. To all who knew her, in fact, her reputation for piety was outstanding and wholly consistent with her undivided loyalty and subservience to her husband. Having stood by his side throughout the times of danger after his first landing in England, she proceeded to decorate his court dutifully and would bear him seven children, only three of whom would reach adulthood. But while she was described by contemporaries as ‘a very handsome woman and of great ability’, ‘very noble’ and ‘much beloved’ and ‘of the greatest charity and humanity’, a less buoyant note was sounded in two dispatches from Spanish envoys. The first described her as ‘kept in subjection by the mother of the king’ and in need of ‘a little love’, while the other observed that the king was much influenced by his mother and suggested further that the queen ‘as is generally the case, does not like it’.

True to her motto, ‘Humble and Reverent’, Elizabeth remained a kind and gracious presence, but little else besides, and her spouse, though loving, was often autocratic in his personal relations with her. In common, then, with other high-born women of her day, Elizabeth’s role as wife was limited entirely to passive obedience just as her maternal role would be confined to begetting rather than rearing, for she would neither feed her second son nor even live near him. Indeed, it was by dying, above all, that she eventually left her deepest mark upon the future Henry VIII. Predictably, she would also endure the intrusions of her mother-in-law with characteristic resignation and soon surrendered the care of the new prince to her without demur. In fact, only a few weeks after his christening, the infant Henry left his mother’s abode for Eltham Palace in Kent and here it was that he would be raised in severe seclusion under the doting but leaden devoutness of his grandmother, Lady Margaret Beaufort.

Not surprisingly, the earnest piety and precision of the ‘Venerable Margaret’ are unlikely to have left her second grandson with many cheerful memories. Intensely devout in her religious faith and devoutly intense in her political schemings, she was one of the most remarkable women of the century. After four marriages she had been widowed finally in 1504 and, at 61 years of age, immediately saw fit to take a solemn and public vow of chastity. She had also been instrumental in the plots that finally brought her son the crown and had lived through more reigns, with more opportunity to influence their outcome, than any other person at his court. To the Spanish ambassador in 1498 she was among the half-dozen people with the greatest influence in England and perhaps to compensate for her disappointment at not being allowed to interfere directly in government during his own reign, Henry VII allowed his mother to rule his domestic affairs. In consequence, her obsessions and ambitions were to leave an indelible imprint upon her second grandson.

The countess was, in effect, all prayer and learning, which made her, at one and the same time, both the best and worst of influences upon the highly impressionable boy in her charge. At her happiest when reading and translating pious works, such as The Imitation of Christ, she would begin her devotions at five every morning, one hour before the general time of rising and though she suffered grievously from rheumatism, this never deterred her from spending long periods on her knees in prayer. Next to her skin, for good measure, she wore a hair shirt ‘for the health of her soul’ and instead of regal fineries she dressed in modest robes, much like a nun’s habit. Nor was this the sum of her austerities. Always a sparing eater, she observed fast days meticulously and during Lent would restrict herself to one fish meal a day. In the meantime, she maintained twelve paupers in her house in Woking, washing their feet, serving them with meals when they were ill and studying them as they approached death, so that she might thereby learn how to die well when her own eagerly awaited appointment with eternity arrived.

Although not permanently resident with her, Henry is therefore likely to have feared his grandmother as much as he loved her, for she represented an oppressive mix of sharp wits, high expectations and maudlin piety, leavened by a pinch of slowly gnawing anxiety. She never forgot, after all, how history had turned at Bosworth Field and how her cherished son might have ended the day in King Richard’s place, a broken and dishonoured corpse. It was John Fisher, her confessor, who noted her knack for ‘marvellous weeping’ and it was he, too, who remarked upon her morbid pessimism. ‘Either she was in sorrow by reason of present adversities’, he observed, ‘or else when she was in prosperity she was in dread of the adversity to come.’ Haunted by fortune’s wheel, the ‘Venerable Margaret’ in her turn came to haunt her grandson’s childhood.

Apart from God the father and her own son, the third person of Margaret’s blessed trinity seems, in fact, to have been none other than Prince Henry himself, and it is tempting to think that she may well have seen in him something of the tenacious vigour and cunning instinct for survival that had sustained her in earlier adversity. In any event, family ambition as well as religion certainly burned behind the deep-set eyes in her narrow face and henceforth those eyes would be firmly set upon her second grandson. The Beaufort family had, after all, stood tantalisingly close to the throne for all of three generations and now that it was theirs, she was adamant that it must be held at all costs. As well as protecting Prince Henry’s person, therefore, she was equally intent upon nurturing his rank and by the time of his tenth birthday, she had singled the boy out as her heir, begging the king to arrange ‘that none of my tenants be retained with no man, but that they be kept for your fair sweet son, for whom they be most meet’. Moreover, as events would demonstrate, she was no less set upon imbuing in him a keen sense of his wider birthright.

Though two generations, gender and temperament divided grandmother from grandson, she succeeded admirably and momentously in encouraging at least one common bond between them: a strong sense of grievance against the French, which the boy would carry with him throughout his life. It was widely known that the King of France still owed Lady Margaret a large sum of money that had been advanced by her mother to the Duke of Orléans in 1440 to pay the ransom fee after his capture at Agincourt. But notwithstanding Margaret’s continual petitions, the debt remained stubbornly unpaid and such was her crafty frustration that she eventually chose to gift the sum to her son in the hope that he might attempt to recover it by force. His letter in response, though gentle, still left her in no doubt that now was not the time to plan for war against such a formidable foe, and the rankling impact of this filial palm-off may well be imagined. Doubtless the grandmother’s indignation about the unremitted debt will have raked her sorely and it is hard to imagine that her smouldering sense of grievance will not have communicated itself to Prince Henry, fuelling in its own way, perhaps, his later naive urges to repossess land lost to France in the Hundred Years War.

In the old lady’s capacity as mistress of court ceremonial, it was she, too, who fashioned the bustling microcosm of the Tudor nursery, at the hub of which, especially in the early months, was Prince Henry’s wet nurse, Anne Luke. Though largely unregarded in the records, we can be sure of much about this young woman, for both her physical and her mental qualities would have had to match precisely the exacting paediatric standards outlined for posterity in Sir Thomas Elyot’s The Boke Named the Governour. A ‘sanguine complexion’, for instance, suggesting the predominance of blood among the four humours, was an absolute essential. This meant that Anne would have needed glowing cheeks, thick auburn hair, a buxom figure and a hearty, outgoing, amorous disposition, since this was the type considered most apt to produce milk that ‘excelleth all other both in sweetness and substance’. She was required, too, to be ‘of ripe or mature age, not under twenty years or above thirty’ and ‘of approved virtue, discretion, and gratuity’, since ‘the child sucketh the vice of his nurse with the milk of her pap’. Accordingly, she would be expected to abstain from sex and, if any ill were to befall the baby, the fault would be hers alone to bear, for the philosopher-physician, Avicenna, had left no doubt that ‘the first thing in curing infants is to regulate the nurse’. She could expect at any time, therefore, to be phlebotomised, cupped, ‘cured by vomiting’ or made to suffer ‘the turmoil of purgation’, and should her supply of milk wane, she would find herself treated to a special diet of stewed udders, dried cow’s tongue or powdered earthworm.

Perhaps it was only fitting, therefore, that after his accession Henry decided to award Anne Luke a yearly pension of £20 in recognition of her efforts on his behalf. But whether even so diligent and self-sacrificing a nurse could really have offered the infant prince the kind of unconditional love that his absent mother might have provided remains open to question. Nor could Anne Luke, or anyone else in the prince’s household for that matter, relate to him with the kind of informality or spontaneity that might have made his later interaction with others more rounded. Literally from the instant of his birth until the age of 7, the vast majority of individuals who surrounded Henry in his insulated nursery world were impassive, one-dimensional figures, attending and providing rather than interacting and amending, and this is likely to have been especially true for the one who first supplied his most basic needs at closest quarters. If, then, the prince’s early upbringing succeeded admirably in fitting him for his future role by ridding him of the humilities usually derived from more conventional dealings with adults, it also helped spawn a disregard for the inner workings of others that would increase exponentially during his adolescence and early manhood.

As might be expected, all Henry’s needs were cosseted tirelessly and none more so than those pertaining to his health. His ailments were treated in accordance with the very best conventions of Tudor child care, which recommended, amongst other things, bitches’ milk or chicken fat mixed with hares’ brains as a trusted remedy for sore gums, and plasters of oil and wax, clapped ‘hot on the belly’, for wind. Rather less drastically, the baby prince’s earache would have been soothed by drops derived from myrrh and pulverised acorns in honey and wine. Meanwhile, when he cried in the cradle, his four rockers, who had been specially chosen by his grandmother, would bend to their task. And when later he had learned to walk outside the pen, the prince would always be followed anxiously by hovering, fussing dames lest he should stumble, damage his spine and develop a humped back. His faltering steps were likely to have been aided, too, by a small brass jousting toy of the type that appears to have been popular throughout the royal nurseries of Europe at this time. Mounted on wheels and featuring an armoured knight poised for combat, this was a toy with more than one purpose since, in addition to supporting a tottering infant, it could be hurled and crashed in noisy combat.

Such items were designed, of course, to begin a prince’s meticulous initiation into the military skills considered so indispensable that they could not be taught too early. Indeed, there was an unapologetically bloodthirsty emphasis upon slaughter in the upbringing of all royal children at this time, as we can see from a contemporary woodcut by Hans Burgkmair of Augsburg, which depicts the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I at play with his offspring. The cosy family gathering is depicted in the midst of a spree of casual carnage with a lethal miniature cannon duly primed to wreak havoc upon any passing wildlife. One child is gleefully despatching a songbird from a tree, while a baited trap is being laid for another. Elsewhere, a longbow lies temporarily discarded. We can be sure, of course, that Henry’s toys would have followed a similar pattern. And though he had other playthings, such as spinning tops, bone skittles and an almost life-size hobby horse, his toy weaponry would have assumed a special significance, for as well as being a would-be warrior against the French, he was also the son of a king whose fear of treachery and sudden death would never fully leave him.

Throughout Prince Henry’s early years, in fact, his father was far from secure upon his throne and it seems hard to believe that the pervasive insecurity of this time would not have had an insidious influence upon his future development. There were, in 1485, at least ten people with a better blood claim to the throne than Henry VII and, in due course, there would also emerge two pretenders: the ‘feigned boy’, Lambert Simnel, and his more dangerous and persistent counterpart, Perkin Warbeck, who between 1491 and 1497 flitted menacingly around Ireland, France and Scotland. In the Latin treatise Speculum Principis, written for him specially by his tutor John Skelton, young Henry was said to be surrounded by ‘grievous wounds and deaths, days of suspicion and fear, incalculable secret hates, loyal words and deeds the opposite, the frightening curse of war, rare friendship, a thousand nuisances, a pretence at love and cowardly hearts’. Therefore, as the diminutive prince toddled after his brother and sister and played with his toy weapons in the care of Anne Luke, the moated palace of Eltham in its rolling parkland was nothing less than a haven of security in a sea of menace.

The year 1497 would prove of particular crisis as the Scots threatened the border, and Cornishmen led by the lawyer Thomas Flamank and a giant blacksmith called Michael Joseph marched in anger across the breadth of England to protest against the ‘crafty means’ by which the king had elicited his ‘outrageous sums’. Today there is still a plaque by the lychgate at St Keverne, one of the early centres of the rising, recording how the rebels ‘marched to London and suffered vengeance’. But it was not until they reached Blackheath that they were finally thwarted. And as the Cornishmen had advanced on the capital, armed with bills, staves, scythes and whatever other instruments of harm might be at hand, the 5-year-old prince was forced to seek shelter with his mother in the White Tower. On that same day, 15,000 men from the West Country, ‘stout of stomach, mighty of body and limb’, encamped at Farnham. Now, Henry would witness at first hand the Tower’s armourers honing their weapons as London’s citizens piled up great mounds of timber against the city’s gates. And as mother and son, bound by their common danger, awaited the approaching rebel host, the boy could not have failed to notice his mother’s fears, which were heightened by the defeat of her own father at an almost identical age.

Nor was the young prince likely to have been any less jarred by the rebellion’s aftermath. Soon after dawn on 16 June he would have risen to general excitement in the Tower and the far-off thunder of cannon as royal forces attacked the mob of farmers, fishermen and miners who, according to the chronicler, had been ‘in great agony and variance’ as to whether or not to yield to the king’s mercy. By two o’clock that afternoon, Henry VII was riding across London Bridge, the summer sun glinting on his armour, to be welcomed by the Mayor and his ‘brethren in scarlet’. He was followed by prisoners tramping in chains, or flung like so much rubbish into carts, while, back at Blackheath, grave mounds were being filled that would remain visible for two centuries. Later the quarters of Flamank’s body were set on the four gates of London as ghoulish reminders of the penalties of rebellion, and these poor relics Prince Henry cannot have failed to see – a sight much closer, and so more frightful, than the severed heads already dangling balefully above London Bridge.

To Thomas More, the uprising would seem a pitiful affair: ‘that disastrous civil war which began with a revolution in the West Country and ended with a ghastly massacre of the rebels’. Yet young Henry learned, instead, to scorn pity. True, the boy’s long vigil with his mother was at an end, but the fear of sudden, violent dispossession lived on. And this was not all, for he learned from his father to despise these ‘base Cornishmen’ who had threatened a return to the lawless commotion so dreaded by contemporaries. Indeed, by the time that Perkin Warbeck’s further insurrection had passed in the same year, Henry’s conviction that to be lenient is to be weak was set in stone. Nor would his hatred of the ‘many headed monster’ of rebellion ever recede, for his confidence in his rightful superiority was unshakable even now.

Henry had, after all, already been accorded the first trappings of rank and the splendour that it entailed. Before he was 12 months old he had been officially appointed Warden of the Cinque Ports, and other honours followed thick and fast. In October 1494, when still only three, the boy was brought to Westminster to be made a Knight of the Bath and Duke of York in a series of ceremonies over three days that would have exhausted any adult. Then, in December of the same year, the new duke was appointed Warden of the Scottish Marches before receiving the garter in the following May. As usual, however, there was sound policy behind the promotions rather than any hint that the prince was being groomed for the possibility of his eventual succession. With his second son rather than a competent adult installed in the offices concerned, it would be easier for the king to exert control through his appointed deputies and the fees provided would also make a handsome contribution to his son’s household expenses. All in all, the prince’s present, like his future, remained resplendent but limited.

This is not to say, however, that the future Henry VIII was not even now a significant personage in his own right. As ‘my lord of York’ he appeared more and more frequently in the rolls of the king’s expenditures, receiving money to play at dice, to pay his servants, to reward his fool John Goose and to fund his minstrels, who were independent of those of his father and brother. In 1498, moreover, we hear of him being fêted by the Lord Mayor and aldermen of London. Having cleared the streets of beggars and ensured the cheering rabble that lined the road was free from infection, the City fathers duly presented Henry with a pair of gilt goblets, in return for which the prince delivered a well-turned speech of thanks, declaring that he hoped to be worthy of the citizens’ ‘great and kind remembrance’ in future. But it was at Windsor in September 1496 that he may well have carried out his first independent public act when he witnessed the grant of a royal charter to the abbot and convent of Glastonbury to hold two public fairs. If this was indeed Henry’s official debut, then its irony is manifest, for forty-three years later he would reduce the abbey to ruins and hang its last abbot for treason on nearby Tor Hill.

In the meantime, though, there seems little doubt that Prince Henry was smitten at once by his exposure to the limelight. Largesse on a grand scale was, after all, a key feature of Henry VII’s attempts to affirm the status of the monarchy and to this end he succeeded literally magnificently. It was not uncommon, it seems, for 700 people to dine at his expense at Westminster and on red-letter days the menu could extend to sixty separate dishes. Similarly, the court entertainments that enlivened the long winter evenings were also glittering affairs and had their own particular place in government propaganda. On Twelfth Night 1494, for instance, the royal children were all present as the king and queen processed ‘through both Halls’ at Westminster between the end of divine service and the start of a great banquet. For good measure, the feast was followed by ‘a play with a pageant of St George with a castle and twelve lords and twelve ladies disguised, which did dance’. All in all, it was a typical theme, slanted to enhance the Crown and its wearer and generate the kind of heady chauvinism that would eventually have such costly repercussions in the next reign.

Nor should it be forgotten that Henry VII was responsible for introducing the term ‘majesty’ into the English language or that, in doing so, he consciously developed the practices of pageantry and invested the notion of kingship with a mystique all of its own. Processions, the shouting of loyal salutations, the doffing of caps and reverent genuflexions in the royal presence all formed part of the underlying propaganda message that such spectacle was designed to drive home. Meanwhile, grooms, pages, servers and sundry menials were all attired in the Tudor livery of white and green embossed with the Tudor rose. Indeed, lest any should doubt or forget the might and splendour of England’s new dynasty, there were roses, too, in the chains and necklaces worn by the king and queen, on the wooden ceilings and tiled floors of all royal dwellings and even on the gilded harnesses of royal horses. And all the while, the growing Prince Henry was encouraged to believe without reservation that Tudor children, as the offspring of a political miracle, had a unique relationship with God himself.

Nevertheless, the splendour of ‘noble and triumphant company’ served only to whet rather than satisfy the young Duke of York’s hankering for recognition, and as he grew into boyhood, intermittent tastes of everyday life at court could in no way compensate adequately for the general absence of his father on weightier business. The official seat of government was still the palace of Westminster, a royal residence since the days of Edward the Confessor, and there the second son rarely ventured at this time. With the Thames, then much wider, running murkily beneath its windows, the old palace was damp and insanitary, prone to flood and often wrapped in fog. Though tapestry hangings kept out the draughts and wood fires and charcoal braziers lessened the cutting edge of the chill in the air, behind all the pomp and pageantry at Westminster there was acute discomfort. Here, in a warren of medieval buildings, government was executed and justice administered. Here, too, resided the king – a whole mental world away from his younger son who continued to grow in isolation among the oaks of Eltham.

It was probably in 1498, upon reaching the age of 7, that the future Henry VIII was finally forced to bid a fond farewell to Anne Luke and the others who had tended him since birth, for this was the age when contemporaries believed that a high-born boy should be taken ‘from the company of all women’. Now Henry would be placed under the charge of a formidable array of tutors who subjected him to the full rigour of scholastic and Renaissance learning. One was Friar Bernard André of Toulouse, a blind historian and humanist who glorified King Arthur as the ancestor of the Tudor dynasty. Another, Giles du Guez, taught Henry ‘to pronounce and speak French trewly’ and, for pastime, dabbled in alchemy. There was also the bitter-tongued figure of John Skelton, East Anglian poet laureate to Henry VII, who would claim to have taught ‘the honour of England’ to spell and ‘sit at meat seemly’. It was he, too, who advised his pupil ‘to pick out a wife for himself and love her alone’.

Though such advice was clearly in vain, Skelton’s overall influence upon the boy is likely to have been particularly significant. Born in 1460, he had risen to prominence through his outstanding poetical gifts and his mastery of the newly fashionable classical Latin before being ‘crowned with laurel’ by the universities of Oxford, Cambridge and Louvain. Thereafter, he was dubbed the ‘incomparable light of British letters’ by none other than the great Dutch scholar Erasmus, and was duly invited to court in 1496 by Lady Margaret Beaufort, for whom he had translated Guillaume de Deguileville’s Le Pèlerinage de la Vie Humaine. In the same year he became Prince Henry’s principal tutor and by 1498 he had also become a priest of the Abbey of St Grace. But while he had not yet begun to produce the ribald satires, scurrilous attacks on enemies and bawdy denunciations of drunken women, which would make him the most famous poet of his generation, his talents would soon enough extend far beyond the generally accepted parameters of courtly poetic convention. And though ‘Merry Skelton’, as he was known, could be delightfully accommodating to those who pleased him, he was mainly vain and querulous and easily sworn to enmity.

For all the high ideals he espoused and lofty talents he possessed, Skelton would therefore prove an unfortunate choice as tutor, since he is very likely to have taught his young charge far more than spelling and table manners. He was, without doubt, an incorrigible extrovert and Henry would have lived in the ambience of his intellectual brilliance and dark prejudice from the age of 7 to 11. The prince would, of course, have experienced some of his schooling in the company of his sisters, Margaret and Mary, as well as John St John, Lady Margaret’s great-nephew, who came to live at Eltham. But although the king believed in educating his daughters well, there were many lessons their different ages would have made it impossible for them to share with their brother, and as John St John seems to have been considerably younger than Henry, it can be assumed that the latter spent much of the day alone with Skelton, exposed not only to the creeping influence of his character, but also to the steady stinging stream of his observations on men and life.

This is not to deny, of course, that Henry’s tuition was entirely effective from the scholarly standpoint and there is little doubt that, as a result of its rigours, he developed wide-ranging abilities from an early age. As the prince grew, he became fluent in French and Latin and competent in Spanish. In fact, his Latin soon became so accomplished that by the age of 10 he was demanding a piece from the pen of Erasmus himself. Likewise, he was a keen mathematician and talented musician, playing the lute, organ and recorder and composing a number of masses, which are now lost. Architecture and the design of ships also fascinated him and somewhat oddly, perhaps, for a child he soon began to develop a lifelong interest in concocting medicines for his own use. He devised, for instance, a plaster ‘designed to heal ulcers without pain’ along with an unguent ‘to take away the itch’. There seemed to be, then, ‘no necessary kind of knowledge’ of which he did not have an ‘honest sight’. Indeed, it may well have been the excellence of Henry’s education, coupled to his father’s later disinterest in planning for his marriage, which prompted Lord Herbert of Cherbury to suggest in 1649 that he was destined to become Archbishop of Canterbury. However, the likelihood that a boy second in line to the throne might be committed to vows of celibacy is remote. Not surprisingly, therefore, the only other ‘evidence’ suggesting as much is limited to Dr William Parron’s astrological prophecy in 1502 that Henry would become ‘a good churchman’ and the casual remark made by the Italian Servite, Paolo Sarpi, in 1619, that ‘Henry was destined by his father to be archbishop and so made to attend his studies from boyhood’.

Throughout his childhood and adolescence, in fact, Henry’s intellectual gifts were described in the most glowing terms, but the conventional plaudits accorded to him should not necessarily be taken at face value, and much of the lavishly heaped praise must be suspected of at least some generosity. The young prince was described reasonably enough by Erasmus in 1499 when he visited Eltham with Thomas More. ‘In the midst’ (of his attendants), wrote the Dutchman, ‘stood Prince Henry, now 9 years old and having already something of royalty in his demeanour.’ Before long, however, Erasmus would be referring to Henry as ‘a universal genius’, while later, in 1507, it would be the turn of the Spaniard de Puebla to overdo it. ‘There is’, he waxed, ‘no finer youth in the world.’ Overall, Henry was an apt and diligent child, but the claims of Erasmus and others that he was ‘a prodigy of precocious learning’ need to be viewed in the context of a time when attempts to win royal favour by out-gushing Cicero led all too often to rhetorical overkill of the most excruciating kind.

John Skelton, meanwhile, continued to flout the moral standards he urged upon his pupils. He was quick, for instance, to warn his young charges to ‘shun gluttony’, to ‘listen to the other side’, to ‘be always gentle, kindly, calm and humble’, to ‘learn pity’ and to ‘maintain justice’. But in his day-to-day behaviour the poet consistently failed to set a good example. Engaging in a poetic duel with Sir Christopher Garnish, one of the many men who offended him, Skelton flung himself into a typically brutal surge of poetic invective, recommending that his adversary be racked at Tyburn. He also remained preoccupied by fornication and adultery. Even the prettiest of his lyrics, My Darling Dear, My Daisy Flower, which would have been sung at court before Henry, is a tale of betrayal by a girl with two lovers. More often than not, Skelton also delighted to show up apparently respectable women as whores and so vicious were his attacks that one ‘honourable gentlewoman’ was driven to send this enemy of her sex a dead man’s head ‘as a token’ – an incident young Henry may well have heard about, since it was probably sent while the poet was still employed at Eltham Palace.

Later, as a lovelorn youth, the prince would read romantic literature full of gallant indulgence to erring damsels and this too would leave a lasting influence. But when his ardour cooled, it was Skelton’s voice, perhaps more than any other’s, that would echo in his thoughts. And as his father’s policies grew more ruthless and more cynical in these years, their impact on his son was unlikely to have been moderated by the counsel of the boy’s tutor. Indeed, when in November 1499 there occurred the political murder of the Earl of Warwick, who had committed no treason and was reputed to be too dim ‘to tell a goose from a capon’, it was Skelton’s cynical observations that would serve to guide the prince in the royal ethics of the matter. Moreover, the fact that Henry would recall him to court in 1512, nine years after his retirement, in order to appoint him ‘Orator Regius’ is clear proof of the warm feelings he retained for his old tutor.

By 1501, though, John Skelton had been too tactless even for the generally tolerant Henry VII. So after five years of service he was duly dismissed from his post and given an extra 40 shillings in addition to his annual stipend and sent to Norfolk to become rector of Diss. However, even as he made way for William Hone as royal tutor, Skelton produced a most curious passing gift in the form of an intriguing short treatise in Latin on how a king should rule. While Speculum Principis was unexceptional in itself, it was extraordinary that Skelton presented it to Henry rather than Arthur, who was heir to the throne and about to marry Catherine of Aragon. At the time, even though the text addressed both princes, the gift seemed a rudely inappropriate gesture, for Henry could become king only through rebellion or by Arthur’s death. Skelton’s apparent belief that Henry would inherit the throne seems to have been wishful thinking born of nothing more substantial than an ambition to share vicariously in his pupil’s glory. But his vision of his pupil’s future greatness had a resonance that is unlikely to have been purely coincidental.

There is, in fact, no direct evidence of tension between the brothers, but this is largely because the records are simply silent on all counts. Though Arthur’s personality was unprepossessing and he was cast in a smaller, narrower physical mould than his brother, his mother’s pleasure in him was particularly obvious and there was also a special bond between him and his younger sister Margaret. It is true that in the spring of 1501, by which time Henry was old enough to be a companion for Arthur, the latter was sent off to hold court at Ludlow as Prince of Wales and that after this they saw one another only on ceremonial occasions or when the family gathered for Christmas. But it was precisely on such occasions that Henry’s discomfiture would have been most heavily intensified, as a result of the rigid court protocols emphasising his brother’s precedence. According to his grandmother’s ordinances, on entering Arthur’s presence chamber Henry would be obliged to remove his hat and remain bare-headed until Arthur graciously told him to ‘be covered’. Then there were numerous other subtle, but no doubt galling, conventions for Henry to endure. When, for instance, he deputised for Arthur on State occasions, he would sit under a royal canopy of State, but to emphasise his inferior rank, the front and roof would be rolled back demeaningly, exposing him to full public gaze. And while Henry would have to address his brother as ‘my lord prince’, he himself would have to make do with the title ‘my lord of York’.

If, indeed, any seeds of brotherly disharmony had already been sown, then Arthur’s marriage to Catherine of Aragon in the autumn of 1501 would germinate them. At the time of its conception, this marriage appeared with justification to be a landmark in the Tudor dynasty’s success. The betrothal of Prince Arthur to Catherine of Aragon had been brought about by the Treaty of Medina del Campo in 1489, when both were less than 3 years old. But it was not until September 1501, after years of haggling and two proxy marriages, that the 16-year-old Catherine finally embarked upon the month-long sea journey to England from the port of Laredo on the Basque coast. She would never return to her homeland. There had been further diplomatic delays and sundry postponements of her sailing due in turn to a revolt of the Moors, illness and a gale. Eventually, though, she bade farewell to her parents and was forced to endure a dire passage across the Bay of Biscay as violent squalls splintered masts and spars and her seasick retinue prayed for deliverance.

Landing finally in Plymouth on 2 October, she was overwhelmed by the spontaneous welcome accorded her by the people of the West Country and it would not be long before Prince Henry now began to make his mark, for the ensuing nuptials would allow him to court the publicity that he was already starting to crave. Not since Henry V conquered France and married the French king’s daughter had there been an English marriage of such grandeur. It was exciting news for the whole court, but particularly so for the king’s second son, since it had been decided that he should accompany the Spanish princess on her ceremonial entry into the heart of the kingdom, the walled city of London. For young Henry it was to be a triple milestone in his growing up. It would be the first time that he felt to the full the intoxicating adulation of the crowd and the first time that he drew close to the girl who was to play such a crucial part in his life. It was the first time, too, that he probably felt the full force of a pricking dart of envy at his brother’s good fortune.

In the brief period that followed Catherine’s arrival at the riverside town of Kingston on Thames in November 1501, Prince Henry performed his duties with aplomb. Two days after he had first escorted her through London ‘amid greater rejoicings than if she had been the Saviour of the world’, he led her in his suit of white velvet and gold along the nave of St Paul’s to the scarlet-covered platform where Arthur awaited her. At five o’clock that same afternoon, the customary ceremonial bedding of the couple occurred. And after Catherine had been ‘reverently laid and disposed’ in the marriage bed, the younger brother would have been among the boisterous, laughing throng of courtiers who escorted Arthur in his nightgown into the bridal chamber to a merry tune of shawms, viols and tabors. There, said the Bishop of London, the din was so great that no one could hear a word. So it was, with the marriage bed having been duly blessed by the assembled bishops, that Arthur and Catherine were at last left alone to nature’s devices. More than a quarter of a century later, the subsequent details of this public bedding were to be pored over equally publicly: this time by politicians and canon lawyers.

However, it was the celebrations thereafter that provided the younger brother with what may well have been the high point of his childhood. Two evenings after the wedding, the royal children were encouraged in turn to dance before the assembled courtiers and dignitaries and it was Henry who stole the show. After Arthur had trodden a sedate English measure before a respectful silence Henry’s turn duly arrived. Accompanied by his sister Margaret, he gave, by contrast, such a lively performance of leaps and kicks that the onlookers demanded more. Amid smiles of approval and cries of delight, the prince and princess started again and now Henry delivered a theatrical flourish. ‘Perceiving himself to be encumbered by his clothes’, the chronicler tells us, he ‘suddenly cast off his gown and danced in his jacket’. By the time, therefore, that he returned to the platform, where great cups of wine and plates of spiced cake were being passed, Henry had already set the first indelible mark of his own extraordinary exuberance upon England’s history.

Yet the marriage only served in reality to underline the gulf between the two brothers in terms of their future prospects. Indeed, if and when Arthur eventually became king, Henry would at once exchange his present safe niche for an altogether more dangerous role. Then his love of publicity and restless energy would be sure to render him an object of distrust. His own great-uncle, the Duke of Clarence, an idol of the multitude and jealous of the Crown, had finally been drowned ingloriously as a traitor in a butt of Malmsey wine. Likewise, Richard, Duke of Gloucester, who had been loyal during Edward IV’s lifetime only to seize the throne ultimately, had paid a heavy price on Bosworth Field. To be a king’s brother, as Henry well knew, would also make him a future king’s uncle, a relationship of the most hazardous kind that might be attended by dreadful choices of murder or extinction. Did not the fate of Thomas Woodstock, rudely done to death by order of King Richard II, prove as much?

There was also, it seems, the looming distrust of his father for Prince Henry to contend with. According to the Spanish ambassador, Miguel Pérez de Almazán, the king was ‘beset by the fear’ that his younger son ‘might during his lifetime obtain too much power’. By July 1501, therefore, Henry VII had decided where his second son should reside when he was grown up and in framing his decision he had clearly in mind Arthur’s long-term safety after he had become king. Being all too aware of the civil wars that had erupted in the past, figure-headed by an ambitious younger brother, the second son’s main dwelling, his father decreed, was to be in Derbyshire, too far away for him to interfere in government. So, for the lavish sum of £1,000, the king bought him Codnor Castle, built by the lords Grey in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, surrounded by extensive estates and located 100 miles and more from London.

To set the seal upon his frustration, of all the royal children Henry alone appeared unlikely to occupy a throne. On 25 January 1502 in the queen’s presence chamber in Richmond Palace, he witnessed the proxy ‘marriage’ of his elder sister Margaret to the King of Scots, James IV. She was twelve, while James was already in his mid-twenties and notorious for his many love affairs. But her younger brother knew full well that such considerations were insignificant when such a gain in status was involved. Even more vexingly, since at least 1499 his other sister, Mary, had been earmarked for the infant Charles of Ghent, heir to the vast Habsburg empire in Europe, as well as to the New World territories of Spain’s Catholic Majesties. Although for three of his children, then, King Henry VII’s dynastic ambition had soared high, there was no future match in sight for his second son. In fact, only one marriage of any kind had so far been considered, that to Charles’s sister Eleanor, and the lack of further marriage plans for Henry again underlined his inferior status. Besides which, his father was in no hurry to make future trouble for Arthur by encouraging the creation of a rival branch of the royal family. As such, the junior prince had little to look forward to beyond an uninviting future that was at best arid and at worst perilous – or so, at least, it seemed.

2

A Prince Beyond Improvement

‘It is not only from love that the king takes the prince with him. He wishes to improve him. Certainly there could be no better school in the world than the society of such a father as Henry VII. He is so wise and so attentive, nothing escapes his attention. If he lives ten years longer, he will leave the prince furnished with good habits, and with immense riches, and in as happy circumstances as a man can be.’

An observation made by the Spanish envoy, Hernán Duque, six years before Henry VII’s death.

In the small hours of 3 April 1502, an ageing Franciscan Observant friar was snatched from his meagre slumbers by a messenger of the Privy Council and told to attend his sovereign at the nearby palace of Greenwich without delay. The news that the old man was charged to convey ‘in his best manner’ was heavy indeed, even for one who had served for some years as the king’s confessor. On the Welsh borders that spring the weather had been especially inclement and in the neighbourhood of Ludlow Castle the dreaded ‘sweating sickness’ had made an ominous appearance. A few recovered from its clutches but most died, ‘some within three hours, some within two hours, some merry at dinner and dead at supper’. And among those now claimed by this remorseless universal leveller was the Prince of Wales himself, aged only 15½. Fate, in fact, could scarcely have played more cruelly with the House of Tudor. For not only had its best hope been taken, but the cause was that very disease first brought to these shores in 1485 by Henry VII’s own Norman mercenaries. After a marriage of less than five months, then, the heir to the throne was dead, while his ‘dearest spouse’, at the age of 16 years and 3 months, also lay dangerously ill from the same contagion. King Henry and his queen ‘took the painful sorrows together’, we are told, and after the weary friar had left their presence, the royal couple comforted themselves with hopes of further offspring. ‘God is where he was’, the queen reflected bravely, ‘and we are both young enough.’

So at that very point when Prince Henry’s possibilities were evaporating beyond trace, fate had, it seemed, intervened decisively to rescue him from obscurity and deliver him from the political shadows. Yet although he was technically granted the office of Prince of Wales on 22 June 1502, it was not until 18 February 1504 that he was installed with full ceremony. Only then was he invested with the emblems of his new rank, the ring on the third finger of his left hand – a symbol, according to Margaret Beaufort’s ordinance, that he was ‘married to do justice and equity and to show right wisdom to all parties’ – and the golden wand of office ‘in token he shall have victory and deprive and put down his enemies and rebels’. Only at this time, too, so the parliament rolls of 1504 inform us, did he inherit the Prince of Wales’ ‘great and notable possessions’. Whether the reason for this postponement was simply a father’s grief at the loss of his oldest son is unknown. What is certain, however, is that the lingering delay added considerably to the new heir’s already mounting frustration. Moreover, while the prince bristled, a second family tragedy struck which would cut him still more deeply.

Though at the age of 36 the risks were considerable, Elizabeth of York was once more heavy with child within a year of Arthur’s death. Redoubling her customary acts of piety in preparation for the impending ordeal, she arranged to wear for her delivery a special relic believed to be a girdle of the Virgin Mary. But divine protection, however ardently sought, was not forthcoming, for the birth was ten days premature. In consequence, the hapless queen was forced to her agonising task not at Richmond Palace as she had hoped, but within the dank, forbidding walls of the White Tower, no more than a stone’s throw from the room in which her two brothers had previously been murdered. In this ominous setting, amid the stuffy, smelly fug considered so necessary for the health of new-born babies, Elizabeth of York gave birth on 2 February 1503 to a sickly daughter named Katherine. On her own birthday nine days later, wrapped in furs against the midwinter chill, the queen expired. The Princess Katherine meanwhile ‘tarried but a small season after her mother’, her only mark in history being the purchase of 4 yards of flannel at a shilling a yard to keep her from the perilous draughts.

If the loss of his new sister left Henry largely unmoved, his mother’s demise was altogether another matter. Though their relationship had been lived mainly at a distance, this had, if anything, only served to enhance the prince’s estimation of her qualities. This dutiful, but largely nondescript woman became, in effect, the perfect blank canvas upon which Henry would paint his ideal future partner. Indeed, he invested his mother with all the perfections that he later sought from his wives and in expecting heavenly bliss from union with them, he would more often encounter hellish disappointment. The death of ‘my dearest mother’, Henry wrote in a letter to Erasmus four years after the event, was ‘hateful intelligence’ and he seems to have construed the blow as yet one more of those sudden reversals of fortune so dreaded by his grandmother. Faced with the frustration of delayed recognition by his father, he now also came to harbour darker fears that would never recede: fears of death and mortal diseases that must be thwarted by continual vigilance. Disturbed by these worries and grieving sorely for his deceased mother, the second son now embarked uneasily upon his first lessons in kingship.