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- Herausgeber: Biteback Publishing
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
"A brilliant, insightful primer … A must-read for anyone interested in the future of this country, whatever their view." – Matt Chorley "A thorough investigation." – Carwyn Jones, First Minister of Wales 2009–2018 "An accessible and refreshing read, whichever side of the debate you are on." – Leanne Wood, leader of Plaid Cymru 2012–2018 "This is a comprehensive, intelligent and much-needed guide to the issues from one of Wales's leading journalists." – Richard Sambrook, emeritus professor at Cardiff University, former director of BBC News "Highly recommended." – Martin Shipton, political editor-at-large, Western Mail "Lucid and compelling." – Professor Richard Wyn Jones, director of Cardiff University's Wales Governance Centre "An engaging and clear-eyed analysis of what is at stake when we talk about independence for Wales." – Mark Blyth, director of the William R. Rhodes Center for International Economics and Finance, Brown University *** Should Wales leave the UK? It's a conversation that has – unfairly – been all but disregarded by many, including some of the Welsh themselves, with all the focus on their Celtic cousins in Scotland. But independence movements are gaining momentum across Europe, and Wales will be a key voice in these debates. Support for Welsh autonomy is at an all-time high, with the latest polls suggesting as many as one in three are in favour. This is not just unprecedented; it is all but revolutionary. Scotland's 2014 referendum taught us that once the independence genie is out of the bottle, it does not go back in. Meanwhile, the Brexit campaign demonstrated that these arguments come with inflated claims, misinformation and scaremongering that can easily poison a complex debate. In Independent Nation, Will Hayward brings nuance back to the arena for this crucial national conversation. Brimming with interviews from experts and painting a detailed, colourful picture of the realities of life in Wales – from extreme poverty and disconnected infrastructure to expensive urban regeneration and cafés of Gavin and Stacey fame – this is an open-eyed look at the truths and falsehoods around the country's future. Impartial, informed and thoroughly entertaining, Independent Nation raises the standard of debate around an issue that will affect us all.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022
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“The future of the union is one of the big political stories of our time, with the focus all too often on Scotland. Will Hayward offers a brilliant, insightful primer on the future of Wales’s place in the UK. A must-read for anyone interested in the future of this country, whatever their view.”
Matt Chorley
“We are seeing an unprecedented amount of debate about Wales’s future. There are those of us who wish to see a UK that is different but not dismantled. Others see it differently. This book is a thorough investigation of the issues that will form part of that debate.”
Carwyn Jones, First Minister of Wales 2009–2018
“Will Hayward is asking the right questions about independence in this book. A journalist who moved to Wales and was not in favour of independence, he is well placed to look objectively and honestly at a complex subject. The conversational style and the structure of the book make it an accessible and refreshing read, whichever side of the debate you are on.”
Leanne Wood, leader of Plaid Cymru 2012–2018
“Whether an independent Wales is either desirable or viable are questions which are becoming more urgent as a post-Brexit Britain puts strains on the union. This is a comprehensive, intelligent and much-needed guide to the issues from one of Wales’s leading journalists. It argues persuasively that, whichever side of the debate you support, Wales must discard its insecurities and step up to the challenges of this century.”
Richard Sambrook, emeritus professor at Cardiff University, former director of BBC News
“One of the strengths of Will Hayward’s book is that he comes to the subject without any personal baggage. He analyses the subject from all angles and doesn’t pull punches. He confronts the practical issues that would accompany any move to independence. Even if you don’t agree with all the points he makes, he challenges you to think about your own response. He also has the knack of a good journalist in being able to convey sometimes complex ideas in accessible language, without being simplistic or patronising. This book is a major contribution to the debate about Welsh independence. Highly recommended.”
Martin Shipton, political editor-at-large,Western Mail
“Lucid and compelling. Required reading not only on the transformative possibilities and potential pitfalls of independence but also on the perils of remaining as we are.”
Professor Richard Wyn Jones, director of Cardiff University’s Wales Governance Centre
“Will Hayward came to weigh up Welsh independence the same way I came to Scottish independence: not through any romantic attachment but from a recognition that the UK’s current growth model is unsustainable in its own terms and unresponsive to the needs of the rest of the union. Hayward gives you an engaging and clear-eyed analysis of what is at stake when we talk about independence for Wales. If you want to think this through, Will has already done the heavy lifting.”
Mark Blyth, director of the William R. Rhodes Center for International Economics and Finance, Brown University
For Anita. The GOAT. For everything.
CONTENTS
FOREWORD
The people of Wales visited the polling stations on St David’s Day in 1979 and proceeded to junk the Labour government’s piddling proposals for a national elected body in Cardiff. I was a schoolboy in Llanelli at that time and remember the toxic campaign only too well. Opponents of the plans – some Welsh Labour MPs among them – had spent the campaign ridiculing the very idea of a Welsh Assembly and of challenging the revered supremacy of Westminster.
The economic and social lot of Wales in the decades that followed transformed the terms of debate about national governance. Even then, such was the depth of Welsh inhibition about any degree of self-determination that Tony Blair – riding high in the polls – only just managed to convince the people of Wales that this would be a beneficial move.
Fast forward to 2022 and we have indisputable evidence that the Senedd (no longer a puny ‘National Assembly’) is supported by a settled majority of Welsh voters. This really has been a change of revolutionary scale. A steadily strengthening sense of Welsh identity over that same period cannot be considered a coincidence. xii
And yet of the United Kingdom’s four nations Wales is by far the most difficult to understand and interpret. The independent Welsh Election Study produced by Cardiff University in 2021 indicated that while most people in Scotland and England considered themselves ‘strongly Scottish’ or ‘strongly English’, the more complex demographics of Wales – where over a quarter of voters have English roots – call for extreme care before reaching any conclusions. The ‘strongly Welsh’ contingent was only slightly larger than the ‘Welsh and British’ grouping. The Welsh vote in favour of Brexit – which few predicted – has to be seen against a wider background of prolonged economic inertia and extensive pockets of poverty and deprivation, as well as rapid demographic change. The economic effects of Brexit have yet to be fully felt and measured.
This, then, is the hazardous but thrilling landscape into which Will Hayward has bravely stepped. Will’s formidable analytical and journalistic skills are already known to a wide audience. His reporting on the pandemic – characterised by his rigorous approach to examining the performance of government and public bodies – has impressed many who recognise the disappointing track record of much of the Welsh media in this area. My immediate response is to thank him for investing so much time and intellectual energy in a study of crucial importance to Wales – and the United Kingdom – at this turbulent time.
Just saying the words ‘independent Wales’ has been a guaranteed sidesplitter for centuries. ‘Preposterous’, ‘demented’, ‘deranged’, ‘laughable’, ‘delusional’ – these have been the reflex verdicts of political sages in both Wales and England over the years. There is still no shortage of sages offering tired responses, but even they acknowledge that the terms of the debate have changed in every way. xiiiComparable surveys of Welsh opinion have tracked a marked rise in support for independence, not least after a pandemic which saw a Welsh government widely praised for adopting an independent approach. That approach was far from flawless, but the more cautious policy decisions were contrasted with those of Westminster. And there was no Partygate in Cardiff Bay.
What has not happened is a rigorous debate – on the economics, the constitution, the social and education policy – on the way ahead. The work of the constitutional commission led by Laura McAllister and Rowan Williams will be invaluable. But in this book, Will Hayward sets out to make this debate accessible to a much wider audience. This is, without doubt, a significant contribution to the democratic debate on the future of Wales.
In an age of echo-chamber agitation – conducted on social media platforms where truth and fiction are seemingly indivisible – this book by Will is to be welcomed by all who value fact-based, rational debate.
Huw Edwards London July 2022
INTRODUCTION
‘We live in a world our questions create.’
David Cooperrider
To consider whether Wales should be an independent country is really thinking the unthinkable – or it was until recently, anyway.
Before Brexit, the idea of Wales going its own way was, in the eyes of many, laughable. But since the vote to leave the European Union, the debate about an independent Wales has become far more mainstream. No longer just within the purview of a few blokes in a Carmarthenshire pub on a Six Nations match day, support for independence is now polling at around 30 per cent, and significantly higher in those aged under thirty. In a recent YouGov poll for WalesOnline, opposition to independence was the lowest ever recorded, with 50 per cent of people saying they would ‘definitely oppose’ it in a national vote on the issue. Support for indy is likely to increase based on the current trajectory. Of 16–24-year-olds, 40 per cent said they would vote ‘Yes’ if there was a referendum on Welsh independence tomorrow (as opposed to 33 per cent who would vote ‘No’). This falls to just 15 per cent in over-65s. xvi
In Welsh political circles, the issue has become more mainstream. The pro-union Labour leader of the Welsh government, Mark Drakeford, has announced a constitutional commission examining Wales’s future relationship with the rest of the UK, which is set to consider independence as part of its findings.
Now, all this together doesn’t mean that a referendum on independence is imminent. However, it is enough to make the topic worthy of notice, discussion and, depending on your point of view, hope or concern. After all, Scotland was on 30 per cent once. In fact, in 2012 Scotland was polling similar numbers, and just two years later at the 2014 referendum the polls were so close that the leaders of the main unionist parties (Cameron, Miliband and Clegg) all signed a pledge to give Scotland extra tax and legal powers to try to keep the Scots in the union. Things move very fast in British politics nowadays; it is easy for events to overtake you.
This is precisely why this book needs to be written. Welsh independence will be discussed in the coming years and in many parts of Wales is already being debated. The only thing to decide is the quality of that conversation. Whichever side you fell on in the Brexit argument, the campaign demonstrated what happens when you argue an issue of monumental importance from an uninformed perspective. The entire dialogue descends into the gutter. We end up making huge decisions on the back of inaccuracies, unfounded fears and untruths. Rather than settling an issue for a generation, the result is a country so divided and exhausted that even if you win, you ultimately lose. If the debate over whether Wales should be an independent country is going to be had, let’s have it from as informed a position as we possibly can.
Central to this book is the word ‘should’, not ‘could’. Of course xviiWales could be an independent country. There are countries far poorer and smaller than Wales that run their own affairs. The idea that there is something unique about Wales and the Welsh which means the country couldn’t be independent is ridiculous. When we debate the ‘could’, we are immediately locked into a juvenile debate which gets no one anywhere.
Things get far more interesting and productive when you start looking at the ‘should’. To ask ‘Should Wales be an independent country?’ is to treat the people of Wales and the wider UK as adults. It is to ask them to take an objective look at the country in which they live and question if there is a better way to tackle the myriad problems facing them.
Depending on an individual’s personal circumstances, outlook, feelings of identity, innate biases, attitude towards risk and financial situation, they may come out of this conversation with a different conclusion. Presented with the same information, different human beings come to different conclusions all the time. But at least they will be making their decisions with as much information as possible at their fingertips. At least they will be asking the right questions.
This doesn’t mean that the answers to the questions tackled in this book will always be detailed and clear. Often, the questions are asking about a hypothetical on top of a hypothetical. ‘Can Wales afford to be independent?’ Well, to answer that we need to know what the relationship will be like with the UK/England and what the border situation will be. But to answer what the border looks like, we need to explore whether an independent Wales would be in the EU. Will Wales be economically competitive? Well, that depends on what currency it will be using, international treaties and xviiithe focus of an independent Welsh economy. Can an independent Wales balance the books? To work that out, you need to decide on who and what is going to be taxed, what form the country’s armed forces will take – will it even have armed forces at all? – and what sort of welfare it will provide.
The rabbit holes you can go down exploring these issues are immense and made all the more complicated by the fact that time does not stop while you discuss them. Every change in the world further alters the calculation. What if Scotland leaves? What if the EU changes? What if Wales gets poorer or richer relative to England? What about the impacts the climate crisis will have on flooding, sea level rise and the availability of water on the island of Britain?
I say this not to put you off having the conversation (or to get myself off the hook) but to make it clear that quite often the answer to these questions will be ‘we don’t know’ or ‘it depends’. This is by no means a bad thing. We have seen from the 2016 EU referendum the snake-oil merchants who refused to say those phrases. Will this be a hard negotiation? Easiest in history, we hold all the cards. What about the border on the island of Ireland? Tech will solve it.
‘We don’t know’ or ‘it depends’ are inevitable and invaluable answers when discussing something as complex and multifaceted as breaking up a relationship of 700 years. They reflect the inherent intricacy of the topic we are discussing. Advocates for Welsh independence are asking the people of Wales to take a very large leap to a destination that is shrouded in doubt. Not making clear that they are in fact taking a risk for themselves, their families and their livelihoods is quite frankly disingenuous. If the people of Wales are going to have this conversation and perhaps, one day, take the plunge, they need to do it with their eyes open.xix
Spend any time immersed in the conversation about a potentially independent Wales, and you will be likely to hear two phrases repeated regularly in various forms:
‘That is for an independent Wales to decide.’‘Welsh independence will be easier because Scotland will have already left by then.’It can’t be understated how many times these answers come up when people are attempting to have meaningful conversations about Wales’s potential future. These points have some merits, but I have serious issues with both which need to be addressed before we delve further into the question of a prospective independent Wales.
‘That is for an independent Wales to decide’ is a perfectly reasonable point of view. Many of the big questions regarding indy Wales would only be finalised after a ‘Yes’ vote. However, if advocates for indy are campaigning for people in Wales to take the leap into the unknown with them, they have a duty to be as clear as possible about what the country could face. For example, many, many people in Wales (and Scotland) support independence primarily because they see it as a vehicle to regain their EU citizenship. That is what is driving them. In the interests of honesty, transparency and good faith, it is therefore vital to discuss the practicality and likelihood of an independent Wales joining the EU. Blithely saying: ‘That is for an independent Wales to decide’ shuts down the discussion and risks bringing people along for a ride to a destination they may never reach. A campaign for Welsh independence needs to sell a clear vision and plan to the people of Wales; it must not offer them a door they must jump through before they know what is on the other side. xx
‘Welsh independence will be easier because Scotland will have already left by then’ is also an understandable position to take. At this point in time, it seems likely that Scotland would leave the UK before Wales did. If this is the case, it also seems likely that many of the unknowns may have gone and Scotland will have provided Wales with a potential blueprint for going its own way. However, there are three substantial issues with this position.
The first is that it completely prejudges any future decision by the people of Scotland. They voted in 2014, fairly comfortably in the end, against independence. At time of writing, polling suggests that the SNP would again lose an independence vote (though it is far closer than the previous one). The break-up of the UK is not inevitable. In the same way that it is vital the people of Wales are allowed a conversation about their future, this book will not make assumptions about what decisions the people of Scotland will make. Of course the book will address the potential implications of an independent Scotland on Wales, both inside and outside the union; it would be churlish not to. But when presented with tough questions about a potential indy Wales, the inclination of some parts of the independence movement to say: ‘This will be simple because Scotland will have shown us the way’ is a lazy approach and fails to provide the answers the people of Wales deserve when they are asked to make the leap.
The second issue is that Scotland and Wales are simply and quite obviously not the same country. As this book will demonstrate time and again, the facts of independence for Wales and Scotland are very different. Whether it is the realities of the borders, the share of natural resources, their geopolitical positions in the world, their current places within the union or the development of their xxinational psyches (this list is very long), Wales and Scotland are very different countries. An independent Scotland would not provide a blueprint for Welsh independence so much as a roughly drawn sketch on the back of a packet of shortbread.
The biggest issue with the ‘Scotland will show us the way’ argument is how lame it is. If you are grounding the case for Welsh independence in the idea that Wales needs to break free of being the junior/repressed/neglected partner in the union and finally stand on its own two feet, then approaching the seriously difficult decisions and conversations facing it with the argument that another country will have done it first is totally backwards. One of my big takeaways from the process of writing this book is that Wales needs, whether it is independent or not, to have a more self-assured and clear sense of its worth. Beginning a debate about the future with the viewpoint that another country will help answer these questions for us is a mentality that Wales needs to shed regardless of whether it is in the UK or not.
It is because of all this that this book will not be treating Wales or the people in it as if they are children, fools who can be won over simply by paying tribute to their country’s nice scenery or a male voice choir. As part of my research, I have read many so-called defences of the union, and a disappointing number of them treat Wales like some quirky uncle of whom everybody is very fond but who is a bit hapless. It is only a matter of time before the authors of such pieces make references to ‘stunning scenery, dragons and mythology’ or act as though Wales is a quaint mediaeval folk museum. Within paragraphs they realise they had better say something nice about the language and will declare that they have ‘great respect’ for this ‘living, breathing language’. But this all feeds into xxiithe patronising way Wales is viewed by large parts of the union. It is not an equal partner in a family of nations. It is not an adult, choosing to sit at the table and converse with other adults, making collective decisions about the future. It is in every way a junior partner. And this filters through to the way Wales sees itself and how it makes decisions about its future too. Yes, it is an ancient and proud nation, yet it remains wracked with insecurities.
This book will endeavour not to follow that path. It will seek to provide a platform for an enlightened debate on Wales’s future to enable the people of that country to make an informed decision on their future. But this isn’t just a book for the people living on the western side of Offa’s Dyke. The UK is currently a single political entity. Despite a decline in numbers in recent years, many, many people both inside and outside of Wales see themselves as being proudly British. Wales is part of their country, and the future Wales will be of direct interest to people in the wider UK and beyond. Because of this, I will not be making assumptions that the people reading the book have an in-depth knowledge of Wales, its politics or its history. Clearly, many of those reading will have a vast understanding of such things, but this book isn’t simply for die-hard independence nationalists and political geeks (though I am eternally grateful to you for buying it and hope you enjoy reading). This will mean there may be a very different level of base knowledge of Welsh politics and history across those reading this book. As such there may be times where there are explanations of concepts already well known to those versed in Welsh affairs. Equally, if you are not familiar with certain elements covered within these pages, this is not a reflection of your knowledge but rather the chronic xxiiilack of attention given to the Welsh political system and history, not just in the wider UK but also within Wales itself.
The book is divided into ten broad chapters related to whether Wales should be independent. Some chapters, such as the one looking at constitutional issues and the monarchy, are fairly succinct due to the nature of the topic being discussed. Others, however, such as the chapter looking at the financial situation underpinning an independent Wales, are so complex they have been broken down into smaller sections within the chapter to make it more manageable.
This brings us to some key definitions. First, how are we to define an independent Wales? There are a huge number of ways to define independence, ranging from home rule within a federal and reformed UK to having a Welsh seat at the UN. For the purposes of this exploration (and in the interest of simplicity), we are simply going to define independence as ‘a Wales which is no longer part of the UK’.
The second definition to establish may seem an odd clarification to make, but it is important. How will Welsh people be defined within the book? When I refer to ‘Welsh people’ or ‘the people of Wales’, I am referring to people who live in Wales. This doesn’t mean I am discounting the massive (and in my experience highly passionate) Welsh diaspora, but when talking about the impact of decision X or Y on the people of Wales, I am, unless stated otherwise, referring to those people living within the physical bounds of Wales, regardless of background. If you live in Wales, for my purposes you are welcome to be Welsh. The overwhelming majority of visions put forward for an independent Wales are inclusive, where xxivresidency qualifies you for citizenship. There are tiny pockets of the independence movement that will quote their direct Celtic ancestors and call for a narrower definition of Welshness. I will not be going down that route, although I will be looking at Wales’s turbulent history. Whether your family hails from Harlech or Henley, if you have chosen to make Wales your home, you can be considered Welsh – indeed, this is also the definition proposed by the Welsh indy movement YesCymru. Though not renowned for his sense of humour, the first MP for Plaid Cymru (the Party of Wales), Gwynfor Evans, once quipped: ‘Anyone can be Welsh, they just have to be willing to accept the consequences.’
I signed the contract to write this book in the spring of 2021, just weeks before the elections to the Welsh Parliament – the Senedd. In the preceding year, Wales had gone through a fairly monumental shift. The fact that the Mark Drakeford-led Welsh government went its own way during the pandemic awoke Wales’s devolved consciousness. Since 1999, Wales has had its own Assembly (changing to Welsh Parliament in 2020), but it never really captured the minds of the majority of Welsh people. Despite running their schools and hospitals directly, the body based down in Cardiff Bay was significantly disconnected from the impact people in Wales perceived it had on their lives. But overnight the First Minister of Wales, Mark Drakeford, could decide whether people could leave their homes, drink in a pub or visit their mam in a care home. Suddenly, devolution mattered in a very real way – though that doesn’t mean everyone was happy with what they saw.
Just weeks after the book deal, the Welsh elections returned a result which could only be seen as a ringing endorsement of devolution, with no seats for parties advocating for abolishing the Senedd xxv(or the Assembly, as they incorrectly continued to call it). The people of Wales had tasted what it was like to go their own way, and they liked it. It was against this backdrop that I began my research.
At the beginning of this process, I would probably have described myself as being opposed to independence. However, I would be the first to admit that, like most people in Wales, I hadn’t given the matter any real concerted thought or attention. Since then, I have immersed myself in the topic to try to answer the question ‘Should Wales be an independent country?’ I have tried to educate myself into an informed opinion. To do this, I have interviewed experts in a whole range of fields, from economists to politicians, business people to professional athletes. I have had more pints and socially distanced walks with campaigners, activists and random people talking independence than I can remember (literally in some cases; some Welsh ale is very moreish). Unfortunately, because of Covid, far too many of these conversations were conducted via a screen, but such are the times we live in. It has been a wonderful journey, and I have met some absolutely fascinating people.
I could have spent five years reading around this subject and still feel there was more to learn, read and understand. When I suggested writing this book, I rather naively thought there would be more developed arguments on both sides of the debate that I could simply assess the validity of. Once I started, it became clear that the indy side was pretty short of detail. There were people who had dedicated huge amounts of time and thought to the topic, but the bulk of debate, especially when it came to practicalities, was far from a developed argument that I could simply critique. It was perhaps worse on the unionist side, because there wasn’t a side at all. Unlike in Scotland, there is no real, coherent ‘opposition’ to Welsh xxviindy outside of a few trolls on social media. There are simply those who support indy and then everyone else who hasn’t really engaged with the issue and will only address it in passing. It is not my job to make the argument for either side but rather to address the key questions people in Wales are likely to have about an independent Wales. This I have tried to do.
For full disclosure, I am not Welsh by birth. I grew up in England, spending different parts of my childhood in West Bromwich, Northampton, Leicester and Coventry (apparently, I have a penchant for severely deprived, formerly industrial areas). I have lived my entire adult life in Cymru, first as a student, then running my own business and most recently as a journalist at WalesOnline (Wales’s largest news website) and the Western Mail newspaper. Through the first year of the pandemic, I was the acting political editor and was therefore in both the UK and Welsh government political lobbies. During this time, I also wrote my first book assessing how the pandemic had played out in Wales. I am now Welsh affairs editor, which essentially lets me look at political decisions and how they affect the people governed, as well as conducting investigative journalism into issues affecting Wales. I love Wales; it is my home. Through residency, I have represented Wales in sport at international level. I support England in most sports, though I want Wales to win as well. When they play against one another, I take the cowardly option and hide in my house.
I give you this view behind the curtain so you can understand where I am coming from as I investigate whether Wales should go it alone. For many, the decision on Welsh independence will come down to a fairly dry cost–benefit analysis: will I be better off in an indy Wales? But for others this is a decision of the soul, of the gut, xxviiof feeling. This is different for every person, and I have tried my utmost to give this side of the debate a damn good listening-to in order to illustrate whether independence is the best way to express Welsh culture and nationhood. The hardest part of producing this book was not answering the questions but knowing which questions to ask.
This book is not the final word on the value, merits, costs, risks and total misapprehensions of Welsh independence. The idea of an independent Wales is a young and developing process in mainstream Welsh society. I hope this book will underpin a thoughtful, introspective and measured debate over the coming years, and that this will be seen as a vital step on a journey towards knowing the right questions and searching for the correct answers.
CHAPTER 1
WHY THE CURRENT SYSTEM IS NOT WORKING FOR WALES
‘I do not come to the House of Commons looking to the past, although I am conscious of it. I do not come here nursing grievances or imagining injustices. I do not subscribe to the myth that the English are bent malevolently on the destruction of Wales.
‘What I fear far more is their sympathetic but inactive benevolence. There is … a great measure of sympathy and kindly feeling towards Wales, but there is not … the committed interest, the single-mindedness, the overwhelming concern to ensure that the economic, social and cultural life of the Welsh nation is properly safeguarded.
‘I firmly believe that the natural energies of the people of this United Kingdom and the nations of which it is comprised are strangled by our constitution. The plain fact is that it does not work in many regards.’
Part of a speech given by Liberal MP Emlyn Hooson in 1967 when introducing a Bill to bring domestic self-government of Wales
2‘Approximately 600,000 children live in Wales: of those, one in three, or 200,000, are in poverty (in households at or below 60 per cent of median income). 90,000 are living in severe poverty (in households at or below 50 per cent of median income). The highest levels in the UK.’
From Poverty and Social Exclusion research project, funded by the Economic and Social Research Council
If you stand outside Perthcelyn Community Primary School, you are confronted by a building which looks like something out of Grand Designs. It is Scandinavian in style, with huge timber beams and a glass frontage which overlooks a stunning valley. If you are very, very lucky, it won’t be raining. Inside are dozens of Apple computers, interactive whiteboards and an electronic book-tracking system for the library. On my first visit here, head teacher Andrew James saw me taking in this view and simply said, ‘You wouldn’t know you were walking and talking in the most deprived ward in Wales.’ And he was right.
Set below the school in the Cynon Valley is the village of Penrhiwceiber. I have been to this village several times in my career and it has a real place in my heart. To borrow a few words from the locals, the people from this place are ‘lush’ and ‘tidy’. It is a proper community. There is an outdoor swimming pool in the centre of the village which until a few years ago was totally run down and unusable. But the people of the area have completely regenerated it, and it is pretty amazing to walk through the area in the summer and see this massive swimming pool on the high street with people of all ages going for a dip. Even in winter when it is closed, you can still see people aged twelve to eighty pottering around, maintaining ‘our pool’. 3
I knock on one woman’s door to conduct a quick interview with her, and by the time I have finished and walked five minutes to the next interview just up the road, I am greeted by the next woman who says: ‘I knew you were on your way because Gaynor called me to say you had just left her.’ There are no secrets here. You don’t knock on a door and wait for it to open in Penrhiwceiber; you knock twice and walk in. During the time it took me to walk from Penrhiwceiber Workmen’s Hall (built in 1888 by miners) to the station about 200 metres down the road, I had more meaningful interactions than I do in a month of walking to work in Cardiff. I tell you this because this warmth is what ‘Ceiber’ is, its soul, its identity. But it is also something else: Penrhiwceiber is the area of Wales with the highest rates of child poverty.
Poverty is one of a huge range of ingrained issues facing Wales. A tapestry of challenges which, at present, face no realistic proposition of actually being properly tackled. At the start of the process of immersing myself in the independence debate, I assumed that for most indy advocates their support was based primarily around identity, that their push for independence was in pursuit of some abstract vision of Welsh nationhood. These people do exist, but the vast majority of people I spoke to – especially those who have come to independence in recent years – see it primarily as the most effective vehicle for solving Wales’s problems.
So, before we can truly look at whether Wales should become an independent country, we first need to look at the purpose of such autonomy. What problems are we trying to fix? There are going to be benefits, costs, opportunities and threats if Wales ever does go its own way; the only way to fully assess the merits of independence is to understand the hardships we hope it will solve. 4
Unfortunately for the people of Wales, these problems are as varied as they are complex. The challenge comes not from identifying the enormous issues facing the country but from knowing how to put them into a coherent and succinct narrative. It isn’t just that Wales faces myriad issues including poverty (we have the highest rates of child poverty in the UK), creaking infrastructure (about 2 per cent of Wales’s railways are electrified compared to just over 38 per cent in Britain as a whole) and ill health (Wales has the UK’s highest rates of long-term limiting illness). The real issue underpinning these problems is the fact that the current set-up of the UK makes it almost impossible to tackle them in a meaningful way. Facing lots of serious problems is hard, but facing problems without the means to solve them leads to hopelessness.
So, we need to dig down into both what Wales’s problems are and why it is not in a position to fix them at present. I am not necessarily saying that independence is the answer. These issues are multifaceted and complex, and in politics anyone who gives you a simple answer to a complicated problem is usually being disingenuous at best. Nor is it to say that all the problems are unique to Wales. Huge swathes of England, Scotland and Northern Ireland can point to challenges with poverty, infrastructure and access to services. However, there are a substantial number of issues that are either distinctly Welsh or considerably worse in Wales. The argument that ‘other parts of the UK have the same problem’ is also fairly redundant when it comes to answering the question of whether independence would make it easier for Wales to solve these difficulties. Establishing why the current system doesn’t work will take some time, but we need to do this before we can assess the merits of leaving the UK in solving the problem. 5
HOW WE GOT HERE
Before we delve into this, we need to take a look back at what Wales was facing before the current devolution settlement. This will not be a deep-dive into modern Welsh history but to understand where we are, we need to understand where we have been; only then can we plan where we are going.
Unlike with the Scots, there was no decision made by the Welsh to join the union. Whereas Scotland had shared a monarch and entered the union for financial reasons, Wales was conquered. It was assimilated into England rather than joining a union of two equal partners. The impact of this over the centuries on how England perceives Wales and, perhaps more importantly, on how the Welsh perceive themselves can’t be understated.
Heading into the 1880s Wales was, in a legal sense, just an area of England. It was 1881 when for the first time in almost 400 years Wales was recognised as a separate entity to England with the introduction of Dry Sundays. In what seems unthinkable now, especially as we have just endured two years of intermittent pub closures, all pubs in Wales were to be closed on Sundays (God’s day) by the popular demand of the Welsh! This didn’t lead to an immediate permanent distinction between England and Wales in any meaningful sense, but it is noteworthy that this was the first time in centuries that Wales was legally different.
Not that things were going to be changing any time soon. In their excellent book Whose Wales, Gwynoro Jones and Alun Gibbard quote from a Conservative Party election guide that remained unchanged between 1892 and 1914. It gave little indication that there was any desire within the party for Wales to be different, reading: 6
The laws, institutions and customs of Wales are the laws, institutions and customs of England. The crown of England is the crown of Wales. The flag of Wales is the flag of England. To deal with one corner of the country separately in relation to large constitutional questions … would be to introduce a system of parochialism in national affairs which would soon lead to [the] most remarkable anomalies and undermine the fabric of uniform and orderly government throughout the country.
By the early 1950s there was hope that perhaps Wales would soon be getting a stronger voice in the management of its own affairs. Speaking in Cardiff in 1951, deputy Conservative leader Anthony Eden said: ‘Unity is not uniformity. Wales is a nation. She has her own way of life and her own language. She has preserved and nourished over the centuries her own valuable and distinct culture. She has her own special needs and conditions, and these must be fully recognised and met.’
At the same time, many people were calling for the creation of a new Cabinet role in the UK government: Secretary of State for Wales. The idea was that the man in this role (because, let’s face it, at that time it was always going to be a bloke) would represent Wales within the UK government and be responsible for matters like the country’s education, health and agriculture. Scotland had always had a better deal in this regard (and this is absolutely not be the last time that phrase is written in this book). The post of Secretary for Scotland had been created way back in 1707, although it was subsequently abolished just four decades later and then recreated in 1885 before being upgraded in 1926 to Secretary of State for Scotland. 7
In the 1950s, Prime Minister Harold Macmillan was rumoured to be considering creating a Secretary of State for Wales, but instead he created a far less prestigious and powerful Minister of State for Welsh Affairs. ‘Oh well,’ you might think, ‘at least this is progress.’ But you can see the contempt in which the role was held by the first person appointed to it. You might hope that, given that Wales had its ‘own valuable and distinct culture’, as well as ‘needs and conditions [that] must be fully recognised and met’, a politician of some distinction and profile might have been brought into the role. Your hopes would be misplaced. The first person in the role was a Mr D. V. P. Lewis. Haven’t heard of him? Don’t worry, even at the time almost no one had. A county councillor from Brecon, he was visiting London in his tweed suit for a rugby match when he was called to Downing Street out of the blue and made a baron and Minister of State for Welsh Affairs. One newspaper called it ‘one of the most curious political appointments since Caligula made his horse a consul’. In Parliament, people were equally shocked that, as one MP put it: ‘An unoffending, unobtrusive county councillor has been catapulted like a Russian Sputnik from the recesses of Breconshire.’
And the Welsh really did need someone of clout and influence fighting for them. In 1965 came the culmination of an affair which was to become one of the key milestones not just in the Welsh independence and devolution movements but also in shaping the narrative in many parts of Wales for how they perceived their place in the union: the drowning of Capel Celyn.
Capel Celyn (meaning ‘holly chapel’ in English) was a village in the county of Gwynedd (though the area was called Meirionnydd at the time), which is in the rural north of Wales. In 1960, a Bill 8sponsored by Liverpool City Council was put before Parliament in Westminster to create a reservoir by damming the Tryweryn River. The idea was that it would provide water to the industrial city of Liverpool. This would involve flooding Capel Celyn, causing the people there to lose their homes and community. On top of this, the area was one of the last Welsh-speaking communities in the immediate area, which added extra heat to this perceived injustice. The reason why this was going to Parliament (as opposed to the usual process) was because it meant Liverpool Council would not require consent from Welsh local authorities and there would not be a planning inquiry in which people from the area could air their objections to the plans. To cut the story of a bitter campaign short, the Bill was passed in 1962 despite not a single Welsh MP voting for it, and in 1965 the village was flooded. The optics were awful. A Welsh-speaking rural community had been unilaterally drowned so an English city could extract the natural resources of the area.
For many in Wales, this incident demonstrated their total lack of influence within the union of which they were supposedly a valued member. In 2005, Liverpool City Council issued a formal apology for the flooding, which even now is often cited in debates around Welsh independence and devolution. A memorial bearing the words ‘Cofiwch Dryweryn’ (‘Remember Tryweryn’) stands near Aberystwyth in west Wales, though it is commonly vandalised and subsequently repainted. The latest damage triggered a string of similar murals to be painted all over Wales, and the words, now widely adopted within the Welsh independence movement, are commonly seen on bumper stickers, T-shirts and hats.
