Irish Unity E-Book

Ben Collins

• Herausgeber: Luath Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 388

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022

Beschreibung

Growing up during The Troubles, I was determined that I was not going to be forced into Irish unity by terrorist violence or the threat of it. At the time, there was no space to think about a different future. But since then, we have had peace, however imperfect it may be, and we now have the opportunity to freely decide our fate. Why will everyone living on the island of Ireland benefit from Irish unity? How will the referendum be won? Do we need to start preparing now? What will happen when Ireland is reunified? Disillusioned with the state of pro-union politics in Britain and Northern Ireland, scarred by what he and many others see as a detrimental vote for Brexit and determined to heal the wounds inflicted by partition, Ben Collins sets out a multitude of political, social and economic benefits of removing the border on the island of Ireland, once and for all. Written from the viewpoint of an East Belfast-born former UUP campaigner, Irish Unity: Time to Prepare addresses the concerns of unionists in Northern Ireland and sceptics in the Republic and urges everyone on the island of Ireland to escape the crumbling United Kingdom so that we can build a peaceful and prosperous future together, for ourselves and our children.

Leseprobe

BENCOLLINS grew up in a strongly pro-unionist and pro-British background in East Belfast. Previously an active member of the UK Conservative Party in Scotland from 2001 to 2003 and then a campaigner for the Alliance Party in Northern Ireland, he is not a member of any political party. A communications consultant, he was until recently the chief executive of The Northern Ireland Federation of Housing Associations (NIFHA) and has worked in roles with a strong focus on political communications for more than twenty years. This has included working as a press officer for the Northern Ireland Office (UK Government Department) at the time of the St Andrews Agreement negotiations, for three international communications consultancies, a professional body and a medical regulator. He has an MSc in Political Communication, an MBA and a Law degree, and is licensed to practise as an attorney in New York State. He resides in his home city of Belfast, working across the island of Ireland. He has previously lived and worked in Edinburgh, Cardiff and London.

The partitioning of Ireland has left a tragic legacy of estrangement especially in Northern Ireland where until the Good Friday Agreement of 1998 conflicting allegiances and identities set the scene for ongoing wasteful conflict and instability. The Agreement put the issue of ending partition on the agenda for medium to long term consideration. Brexit which was not supported by a majority in Northern Ireland and changing demographics have brought the issue of partition closer and closer to centre stage. Many scholarly and political analyses are now adding to the inevitable debate, but few deepen and widen it as Ben Collins’ book does. With exceptional courage he steps outside the predictable tribal politics which have inhibited fresh, radical thinking on all sides including within the unionist tradition which he is steeped in from birth. Here is a plan for building a dynamic and welcoming new home for all who share this beautiful island. A home beyond partition, without partition.

This book is precisely the kind of challenging thinking needed at this strange time. I hope it provokes thoughtful and respectful discussion across all the chasms we need to bridge if the future is to honour the promise of peace and partnership most yearn for.

MARY McALEESE, President of Ireland 1997-2011

In a timely addition to the growing public debate about Irish unity, Ben Collins examines the feasibility and desirability of such a radical change. And he pulls no punches, convinced that Northern Ireland’s political institutions aren’t fit for purpose and that Irish unity is ‘an idea whose time has come’.

Ben Collins grew up as an East Belfast Unionist, describing himself today as ‘an idealist and a pragmatist’ who believes ‘Irish unity is an urgent necessity’, especially after the trauma of Brexit and what he describes as Boris Johnson’s ‘betrayal’ of Northern Ireland.

His book is a roadmap towards that end; a clearheaded analysisofthe complex issues, grounded in fact, with terrific historical detail. He highlights one of the thorniest issues now facing Northern Ireland; the state created specifically to have Protestant and Unionist majority that will very soon have neither.

Anyone interested in the future not just of Northern Ireland, butofthese islands, would benefit from this thought-provoking book.

BILL NEELY

First published 2022

ISBN: 978-1-80425-052-5

The author’s right to be identified as author of this book under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 has been asserted.

Typeset in 11 point Sabon by Lapiz

© Ben Collins 2022

For Dylan

Ní neart go cur le chéile.

There is no strength without unity.

Contents

Acknowledgements

Foreword

Glossary of Terms

Timeline of Key Events

Preface

Introduction

Part One: Setting the Scene

Preparing the Ground

The Economy

Symbolism and Cultural Identity

Historical Perspective

Calling a Border Poll/Unity Referendum

Part Two: Winning the Referendum

Gaming the Campaign

Getting the Irish Republic to Vote for Unity

Appealing to Unionism

The Power of Sport

Part Three: Thriving After the Vote for Unity

Governance

Legacy Issues – Dealing with the Past

Lessons from Other Countries

Where We Want to End Up

Conclusion: A Summary of My Support for Unity

Endnotes

Acknowledgements

I WOULD PARTICULARLY like to thank John Haden Tucker for his excellent advice and expertise, which has been invaluable for this book – one day we will write one together. Many people have been supportive throughout the process and they are listed below.

Firstly, I would like to thank those who fundamentally disagree with the central tenet of this book, but still took the time to read and provide advice.

Jude Perry is a good friend and someone who has an excellent understanding of politics across Ireland; my dear cousin Julie and political soulmate John Maguire have been hugely supportive over the long period I spent writing this book; Gabriel McCaffrey has been insightful on the process of reunification.

I am incredibly grateful to James Maloney MP, Chair of the Canada–Ireland Interparliamentary Group, for agreeing to write a foreword for this book and his colleague Jennifer Hartley for her help.

Dr Conor McGrath – a great lecturer and now a friend – provided useful feedback on an earlier draft, even though we take fundamentally different views on the merits of Brexit.

Dr David McCann took the time to read a complete draft and I look forward to thanking him over a pint at The Sunflower Bar; Professor Colin Harvey has, unfortunately, had to put up with lots of hassle simply for expressing his peaceful views on reunification. This is not right in any society, but he still maintains his passion and has been very generous with his time and advice.

The Think32 groups and Shared Ireland podcast have also been very encouraging; Gerry Carlile of Ireland’s Future and Kevin Rooney of the Irish Border Poll website supported my decision to publish this book; Andy McGibbons welcomed me onto his podcast; John Manley, Political Editor of the Irish News, provided some early media coverage, for which I am grateful.

Lesley Riddoch was willing to read an early version of the book and put in a good word with the publisher when I contacted her out of the blue. Her generosity is the reason why this book was published rather than just rattling around in my head. Martina Devlin took the time to read a draft and give me some positive feedback as well, which was much appreciated at the time; Sam McBride and Jamie Bartlett also read some of the book in draft form, for which I am thankful; Will Dean is one of the best fiction writers out there and was always willing to share advice.

Conor Heaney agreed to review a draft and give me some detailed feedback; John Cushnahan has made a significant impact in both parts of Ireland during his lengthy political career – I am very appreciative that he has taken the time, on several occasions, to talk to me about his experiences and thoughts on the future.

I have been lucky to have spoken to people from across the political spectrum on the topic of Irish unity. I am grateful for the thoughts of those who, for various reasons, wish to remain anonymous. While you may not wish to be thanked publicly, I will thank you privately.

The Skool Dads were a real Godsend during the long days of lockdowns – thank you all.

My colleagues at Hume Brophy have not only been great to work alongside, but they have also been enthusiastic about the book; Robert Barnett took time out of his busy schedule to provide some advice; all the people who were willing to read review copies and provide endorsements have been very generous with their time. I will thank you each personally.

David and the entire team at the No Alibis bookstore in Belfast are brilliant people who share a deep passion for books. It is a real pleasure to spend time there, get their insights and buy their books. I recommend the place to everyone.

This book would not have happened without the faith that Gavin and the team at Luath Press have shown in me. Caitlin is an excellent editor and has limitless patience to endlessly improve my writing. Thomasin, Eilidh, Rachael, Kira, Scott and Alastair all helped to make this a smooth process. I am eternally grateful for that.

Lastly, I must thank my wonderful family who mean everything to me. My parents David and Rosemary and my brothers Jackson and Justin have always been supportive; my better half Alison and my girls Violet and Scarlett give me more joy than I ever thought possible.

Foreword

BENCOLLINSHAS written a timely book on the Irish unity debate. It is thought-provoking, borne out by his lived experience and enriches this important question.

There have been historic links between Canada and Ireland for hundreds of years and with 4.4 million present-day Canadians claiming Irish heritage, the Irish connection is an important one for Canada. As someone with deep, family connections to Ireland, I am a passionate advocate for strengthening those bonds. In fact, in 2021, the Canadian House of Commons adopted my motion to declare the month of March Irish Heritage Month in Canada, in recognition of the important contributions that Irish Canadians have made to building Canada and to Canadian society in general.

Canada played an important part in the Northern Ireland peace process and the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, which still provides a framework for the peaceful transition to Irish unity. Many Canadians played a part in the peace process, including Judge Peter Cory and General John de Chastelain. Canada considers Ireland to be a key partner within the European Union. We believe that the EU–Canada Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement offers a great opportunity for both of our countries to strengthen our already strong economic links. With Ireland, we enjoy strong commercial relations with two-way bilateral merchandise trade worth over $2.5 billion in 2020, making it Canada’s tenth largest trading partner in the European Union.

Canadian parliamentarians are also committed to expanding the bonds between our two countries. Today, we face complex border issues and while there are challenges, a satisfactory resolution is possible. While it is for the people across the island of Ireland alone to decide their future, we stand ready to support any democratic process which leads to a peaceful way forward.

This book sets out how we must prepare now in advance of any referendum and should be welcomed by all as a constructive contribution to the debate on Irish unity.

James Maloney

Chair, Canada-Ireland Interparliamentary Group

Chair, Canada-United Kingdom Inter-Parliamentary Association

Glossary of Terms

Alliance: Liberal party in Northern Ireland; does not take a constitutional position.

Backstop: the arrangements that Theresa May as UK prime minister negotiated with the EU, to ensure that there would be no borders on the island of Ireland or between Northern Ireland and Britain after the UK had left the EU.

Conservatives:UK centre-right, pro-Brexit party. Also known as Tories.

Customs Union: the arrangement that allows for a group of states to charge the same import duties and provides for free trade within an agreed area.

DUP: Democratic Unionist Party for Northern Ireland; pro-British and socially conservative party, originally anti-Good Friday Agreement with historic links to the Ulster Resistance.

Fianna Fáil: Conservative, Christian, Democratic party in the Republic of Ireland.

Fine Gael: Liberal Conservative party in the Republic of Ireland.

Green: all-Ireland, pro-European party focused on environmental/climate issues.

Good Friday Agreement: peace agreement which facilitated the end of The Troubles in Northern Ireland following referendums in both parts in Ireland (sometimes referred to as the Belfast Agreement).

Hard Brexit: where the UK makes a significant departure from the EU in political and economic terms.

Irish Labour: centre-left party of the Republic of Ireland.

Nationalists/Republicans: elected or appointed representatives of a political party or group; favour Irish unity

nationalists/republicans: members of the nationalist/republican community; have pro-Irish leanings and/or background

No deal Brexit: where there is no agreement at all between the UK and the EU after the UK has left the EU.

Northern Ireland Protocol: the international treaty negotiated between the EU and UK to ensure there is no hard border on the island of Ireland; resulted in an Irish Sea Border between Northern Ireland and Britain.

Sinn Féin: all-Ireland party with historic links to the IRA.

SDLP: Social Democratic Labour Party; Northern Ireland pro-unity party; formerly had links with Fianna Fáil.

Single Market: a group of countries (in this context within Europe - the EU27, the three countries of the European Economic Area, namely Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein, as well as Switzerland through a number of sectoral treaties) agreeing to trade without tariffs or restrictions among themselves.

Soft Brexit: where the UK makes a less substantial departure from the EU in political and economic terms.

UK Labour:UK centre-left party.

Unionist/Loyalist: elected representatives of a pro-union political party or group

Unionists and Loyalists: identify as British; favour being part of the UK.

unionist/loyalist: members of unionist/loyalist communities; pro-British/pro-union

UUP: Ulster Unionist Party; original party of government for first fifty years of Northern Ireland; originally pro-Good Friday Agreement.

Timeline of Key Events

OUTLINEDBELOWARE some of the key dates that provide context for this book. This is not intended to be an exhaustive list – that would be a book in itself.

1 January 1801: Act of Union between Britain and Ireland comes into effect; Parliament of Ireland merges with Parliament of Great Britain to create a new Parliament of the United Kingdom.

24–29 April 1916: the Easter Rising. An armed rebellion takes place in Ireland during Easter week. Launched by Irish Republicans who wanted to end British rule in Ireland and create an independent country. The British reaction to the Rising, whereby a number of its participants were shot by firing squad, contributed to a widespread change in public opinion against British rule.

14 December 1918:UK General Election (including Ireland). Ireland returns a majority of Sinn Féin MPs who refuse to take their seats in Westminster. Instead, they set up a new parliament in Dublin.

21 January 1919: first Dáil Éireann (which means ‘Assembly of Ireland’) meets in Dublin.

21 January 1919–11 July 1921: War of Independence. A guerrilla war fought between the Irish Republican Army and British forces. This included the Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), Auxiliaries and former British soldiers recruited to help the RIC called ‘Black and Tans’ due to the colour of their uniforms.

3 May 1921: Partition of Ireland; creation of Northern Ireland by commencement of Government of Ireland Act 1920. It was originally envisaged that both states would stay part of the United Kingdom.

6 December 1921: Anglo-Irish Treaty signed in London by representatives of the British government, including the Prime Minister David Lloyd George and representatives of the Irish government, including Michael Collins. It provided for the establishment of the Irish Free State as a self-governing dominion within the British Empire.

28 June 1922–24 May 1923: Irish Civil War between pro-treaty and anti-treaty forces, who remained opposed to the partition of Ireland which was recognised by the treaty.

6 December 1922: Irish Free State of 26 counties officially established, ending the Irish War of Independence.

16 May 1926: Fianna Fáil party founded by Éamon de Valera and his supporters after they split from Sinn Féin, on the issue of abstention on taking the Oath of Allegiance to the British Monarchy. He advocated doing this so that he could keep his position as a Teachta Dála in the Irish Parliament.

8 September 1933: Fine Gael founded following the merger of Cumann na nGaedheal, the National Centre Party and the Army Comrades Association.

18 April 1949: Ireland formally leaves Commonwealth and becomes Republic of Ireland.

1964–72: Northern Ireland Civil Rights Campaign, challenging discrimination and inequality against Irish Catholics in Northern Ireland.

14 August 1969: British troops deployed to Northern Ireland, initially as a peacekeeping mission to restore order after RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary) brutality in Catholic Derry/Londonderry Bogside. The army was gladly received by the Catholics/Nationalists there.

9 August 1971–December 1975: Operation Demetrius, aka internment. Just under 2,000 people were arrested and interned (imprisoned without trial). Of these more than 1,800 were nationalists who were accused of being part of the IRA. Only 100 were loyalists. The European Court on Human Rights found five of the interrogation methods used amounted to torture.

30 January 1972: Bloody Sunday massacre in Derry. British Army shot 26 and killed 14, all unarmed civilians during a protest march in the Bogside.

24 March 1972: Direct Rule introduced in Northern Ireland and Stormont Parliament collapses.

9 December 1973: the Sunningdale Agreement, which introduces power-sharing in Northern Ireland for the first time, is signed.

1 January 1974: Sunningdale power-sharing executive meets for the first time.

17 May 1974: Dublin and Monaghan bombs. UVF (Ulster Volunteer Force) planted three car bombs in Dublin and one in Monaghan which killed 33 civilians and injured 300.

28 May 1974: Sunningdale Agreement collapses after Ulster Workers’ Council Strike.

1 May 1975: elections to Northern Ireland Constitutional Convention set up by UK government to deal with NI constitutional issues.

3–13 May 1977: United Unionist Action Council strike with aim of getting UK government to take tougher action against the IRA and return to a Unionist majority form of government in Northern Ireland.

1 March–3 October 1981: hunger strike protests by Irish Republican prisoners to demand reinstatement of political status.

20 October 1982: elections to a Northern Ireland Assembly take place but Nationalist parties boycott the assembly and so planned devolution never takes place.

15 November 1985: Anglo-Irish Agreement signed. Intention for the treaty to bring an end to The Troubles in Northern Ireland.

23 June 1986: Northern Ireland Assembly is abolished by the UK Secretary of State for Northern Ireland.

26 March 1991: Northern Ireland Secretary of State Peter Brooke informs House of Commons that ‘a basis for political talks now exists’. Becomes Brooke/Mayhew Talks.

April 1991–10 November 1992: Brooke/Mayhew Talks.

15 December 1993: Downing Street Declaration, a joint declaration by Prime Minster of the UK John Major and the Taoiseach of Ireland, Albert Reynolds which affirmed the right to self-determination for the people of the island of Ireland.

29 January 1994: President Bill Clinton approves US visitor visa for President of Sinn Féin Gerry Adams.

31 August 1994:IRA ceasefire announced.

13 October 1994: Combined Loyalist Military Command announces ceasefire.

8 September 1995: David Trimble elected leader of Ulster Unionist Party.

30 November 1995: President Bill Clinton visited Northern Ireland.

30 May 1996: elections to Northern Ireland Forum.

10 June 1996: all-party negotiations begin in Belfast.

14 June 1996: Sinn Féin excluded from talks due to IRA remaining active.

1 May 1997: Labour landslide victory in UK election.

20 July 1997:IRA ceasefire renewed.

26 August 1997: Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD) established to oversee decommissioning of paramilitary weapons.

10 April 1998: Good Friday Agreement signed.

22 May 1998: referendums in both parts of Ireland approve Good Friday Agreement.

25 June 1998: first elections to new Northern Ireland Assembly.

15 August 1998: Omagh bombing carried out by Real IRA, a Republican splinter group opposed to the IRA’s ceasefire and the Good Friday Agreement. 29 people were killed; more than 200 injured.

11 February 2000: Northern Ireland Assembly and Northern Ireland Executive suspended.

30 May 2000: devolution restored to Northern Ireland Assembly and Northern Ireland Executive.

26 June 2000:IRA arms dump inspected.

1 July 2001: First Minister of Northern Ireland David Trimble resigns over lack of decommissioning.

10 August 2001: Northern Ireland Assembly suspended for 24 hours.

11 September 2001: terrorist attacks on New York and Washington DC.

21 September 2001: Northern Ireland Assembly suspended for 24 hours.

16 October 2001: Secretary of State for Northern Ireland announces that the RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary) will be renamed the PSNI (Police Service of Northern Ireland) as part of Patten Report recommendations.

18 October 2001: Unionist Ministers resign from Northern Ireland Executive.

23 October 2001:IRA begins decommissioning its weapons.

25 October 2001: work begins on dismantling British Army observation towers in South Armagh.

2 November 2001: David Trimble fails to get sufficient Unionist support to be re-elected as First Minister.

4 November 2001: new Police Service of Northern Ireland comes into being.

6 November 2001: David Trimble secures sufficient support to be re-elected as First Minister and Mark Durkan is elected as Deputy First Minister.

14 October 2002–7 May 2007: Northern Ireland Assembly suspended.

7 October 2003: Cory Collusion Inquiry releases final reports.

26 November 2003: Northern Ireland Assembly elections. DUP and Sinn Féin become two largest parties for the first time.

28 July 2005:IRA announces end of its campaign and promises full decommissioning of all its weapons, to be witnessed by clergymen of Protestant and Catholic churches.

26 September 2005:IICD confirms that the IRA has fully decommissioned all its weapons.

13 October 2006: St Andrews Agreement which changed how First Minister is elected and set out new process for electing a Northern Ireland Executive minister with control over policing and justice.

28 January 2007: Sinn Féin special Ard Fheis approves a motion calling for devolution of policing and justice, support for the police services, PSNI and An Garda Síochána.

7 March 2007: Northern Ireland Assembly elections.

8 May 2007: Northern Ireland Assembly and Northern Ireland Executive restored with DUP and Sinn Féin as the two largest parties for the first time.

31 July 2007: British Army formally ends Operation Banner, its mission in Northern Ireland.

5 February 2010: Hillsborough Agreement allows Westminster to devolve policing and justice powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly.

12 April 2010: policing and justice powers transferred from Westminster to Northern Ireland Assembly.

18 September 2014: Scottish independence referendum held. Narrow 55–45 per cent vote in favour of remaining in the UK.

23 December 2014: Stormont House Agreement, which covered identity issues, fiscal policies and devolution reform.

17 November 2015: Fresh Start Agreement for full implementation of Stormont House Agreement, sets out how to address ongoing paramilitary activity.

23 June 2016:UK votes to Leave EU, Northern Ireland and Scotland vote to Remain.

November 2016: potential £500 million overrun for Renewable Heat Incentive scheme comes to light.

9 January 2017: Martin McGuinness resigns as deputy First Minister due to RHI (Renewable Heat Incentive) scandal and Arlene Foster’s refusal to resign or step aside for duration of the inquiry.

16 Jan 2017: Northern Ireland Assembly suspended.

2 March 2017: Unionism loses its majority for the first time in an Assembly election.

23 May 2019: Unionism loses its majority of Northern Ireland seats in European Parliament election.

12 December 2019: Unionism loses its majority of Northern Ireland seats in UK Parliament election.

8 January 2020: Northern Ireland Assembly and Executive restored by New Decade New Approach agreement.

8 February 2020: Irish General Election takes place.

27 June 2020: Irish Coalition Government of Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael and Greens is formed.

30 December 2020:UK Government agrees to trade deal with EU which includes Northern Ireland Protocol.

2 July 2020: First Minister Arlene Foster calls for Deputy First Minister Michelle O’Neill to temporarily step down while an investigation is carried out over Bobby Storey funeral.

30 March 2021: Arlene Foster calls on PSNI Chief Constable Simon Byrne to resign over Bobby Storey funeral.

28 April 2021: Arlene Foster announces her intention to resign as leader of the DUP and as First Minister after her own party’s MLAs turn against her.

3 May 2021: Centenary of partition of Ireland.

6 May 2021: Scotland Parliament elections return a majority of MSPs who are in favour of Scottish independence.

14 May 2021: Edwin Poots is elected leader of the DUP.

14 June 2021: Arlene Foster resigns as First Minister of Northern Ireland.

17 June 2021: Paul Givan is nominated as DUP First Minister and Michelle O’Neill is reappointed as Sinn Féin deputy first minister.

17 June 2021: Edwin Poots resigns as DUP Leader.

30 June 2021: Sir Jeffrey Donaldson becomes new leader of the DUP.

8 November 2021:PUP (Progressive Unionist Party) withdraws support for the Good Friday Agreement, claiming that consent principle is undermined because of Northern Ireland Protocol.

3 Feb 2022: Paul Givan resigns as DUP First Minister in protest of Northern Ireland Protocol.

5 May 2022: Northern Ireland Assembly elections; Sinn Féin becomes the largest party for the first time.

13 May 2022: Jeffrey Donaldson confirms that the DUP will not nominate an Assembly speaker which means the Northern Ireland Assembly cannot operate.

13 June 2022: Northern Ireland Protocol Bill which will unilaterally seek to disapply parts of an international treaty between the UK and EU is tabled in UK Parliament.

7 July 2022: Boris Johnson announces that he will stand down as UK Conservative party leader and prime minister.

5 Sep 2022: Liz Truss elected as new Conservative party leader and then appointed as UK prime minister on 6 Sep 2022 by HM Queen Elizabeth II.

8 September 2022: Queen Elizabeth II dies and King Charles III becomes the new Head of State for the UK.

20 Sep 2022: First phase of Northern Ireland Census 2021 released, covering passports held, ethnic group, national identity, language and religion.

4 May 2023: Local government elections in England and Northern Ireland.

19 October 2023: Intended date for next Scottish independence referendum, as previously announced by Nicola Sturgeon.

By end of 2024: Northern Ireland Assembly to vote on continued application of Articles 5-10 of Northern Ireland Protocol.

Preface

I SHOULDCONFESS right from the start that I was not born into a family that ever dreamed of Irish unity – far from it. I grew up and lived in East Belfast – a predominantly unionist part of the city – as the youngest of three brothers in a unionist household. Irish unity was only ever seen as something to oppose in our house, simply as we resented the idea of being forced into reunification by IRA violence. But despite all this, I always felt Irish – it was just something instinctive.

My father was the vet for Belfast Zoo and he also had a pig farm just outside Belfast which meant he could afford to send all three brothers to Campbell College, an all-boys public school in East Belfast. My first job, at the age of six, was mucking out pig pens on the family farm. This taught me two important lessons: one, you cannot get the smell of pig manure off your skin for a week, no matter how often you wash; two, I enjoyed working hard. I have always believed that every job since then has been downhill or easy.

Growing up during The Troubles, I vividly remember the daily violence and constant fear that there would be more carnage. When I left school, I moved to Scotland to study at the University of Dundee, in September 1994, just at the time of the first IRA ceasefire. When I came home from university for Christmas in December, I was struck by the sense of optimism and hope in Belfast city centre that I had not experienced before. In the best way possible, it did not feel like the city I once knew.

In Scotland, I was able to socialise and develop friendships with people from all across Ireland, in a way that had not been possible for me in Belfast. I realised that we had lots more in common across Ireland than I ever thought.

Despite the ceasefire in 1994, The Troubles lasted until the peace agreement of 1998; after three decades of war, the Good Friday Agreement was signed. I had followed the peace process for four years as an interested observer, rather than a participant – I did not get to vote in the Good Friday Agreement referendum as I was still a student in Scotland but, of course, I would have voted Yes if I had the option to do so.

The Good Friday Agreement was a historic compromise which was negotiated and voted for after much hard work by President Clinton’s Administration, the UK and Irish governments and the support of the EU, as well as political representatives and ordinary citizens. Making right with your enemies can never be easy, but the agreement ushered in peace and a power-sharing government which, although not perfect, was a huge step forward for the people of Northern Ireland and indeed Ireland as a whole. It also helped to create better relationships between Ireland and Britain (the status of the UK and Ireland as neighbouring member states of the EU, often with common interests, helped to strengthen links too).

I did believe that in the run-up to the Good Friday Agreement, David Trimble was a lone visionary within Unionism, so as a master’s student in political communications, I spent a couple of weeks doing work experience for the Ulster Unionist Party during the 2001 Westminster Election. While I was never a member of the UUP, I knew they needed to remain as the largest Unionist party, ahead of the DUP, so that the gains of the Good Friday Agreement could be maintained.

That same year, I joined the UK Conservative Party in Scotland and I felt comfortable with the Scottish Conservatives, who were more liberal and more pro-European than their English counterparts. I have always been a classical liberal in the sense that I believe in personal freedom, free trade and democracy which is as close to citizens as possible and I had joined this party in the hope and expectation that Ken Clarke, a pro-European and socially liberal MP, would become the leader. I was wrong.

In 2003, I left the Conservative Party. A new job with the General Medical Council (the UK regulator for doctors) meant that I was no longer able to be politically active, but I was glad to leave – I was becoming increasingly disillusioned with the party’s growing Euro-scepticism. I was pleased by the formation of the Conservative–Lib Dem government coalition in 2010 but always felt that it was likely to be a one-term arrangement. It did not take long after the coalition ended for the extreme right-wing part of the Conservatives to flex their muscles. The party has marched, rather than drifted, towards being a right-wing, populist entity. While I still have friends within the party, I do not feel any connection with the Conservatives.

Back in Northern Ireland, I joined Alliance after being asked to do some leafleting for them in the run-up to the 2011 Assembly elections. I was briefly on their Executive Committee and also a member of the Liberal Democrats, as I knew they were a stabilising force in the coalition government, blocking the more extreme Conservative tendencies. But when I started a new job in 2017 as Chief Executive of NIFHA (Northern Ireland Federation of Housing Associations), I had to resign from both parties, to ensure that the organisation maintained its status as being politically impartial.

I realised that I was in danger of becoming one of those people for whom I always had disdain – somebody who moved around multiple political parties. But in my defence, I did it for the right reasons. My views have been consistent – my belief in the Good Friday Agreement, socially liberal values and the benefits of being part of the European Union have always remained the same, so I have made judgments about which political parties are the best vehicle for me to pursue my beliefs. I am not willing to change my views just to stay within a political party.

At the time of the Good Friday Agreement, the British and Irish governments were joint custodians and, from a Northern Ireland perspective, this provided assurances for all parts of the community. However, the detrimental Brexit vote has fundamentally changed this. I had a long-term aspiration for Irish unity since the Good Friday Agreement, but it became an urgent necessity for me after the vote for Brexit. I recognise that some voted for Brexit who once believed – perhaps even still do – that the UK leaving the EU is a good thing. While I respect their opinions, I do not share that view.

The realities of Brexit are becoming clear and the increased friction in trade from Britain to Northern Ireland is causing problems – the loyalist violence that occurred at the time of the introduction of the Northern Ireland Protocol being just one example. The regional government in Northern Ireland has not fully operated since February 2022, as the DUP resigned the position of first minister in protest of the Protocol. As a result, only limited decisions can be made, the Northern Ireland Assembly is not functioning and there can be no Northern Ireland budget. The people of Northern Ireland are being used as a bargaining chip by the DUP during a cost-of-living crisis and when our health service needs urgent investment.

Looking at the island of Ireland through the prism of Brexit, living through a pandemic and the global reset and ‘new normal’ that has followed, those of us on the island, especially in Northern Ireland, will look at our current political structures and contemplate whether they are fit for purpose. I believe that a growing majority, from all backgrounds, will decide that they are not and that Irish unity is the solution to this problem.

So, this book is about building momentum for Irish unity. I do not claim to have all the answers, nor do I think that I alone have a monopoly on what is best for the island of Ireland. I aim to put forward my thoughts on why we need to prepare and plan now, to avoid the chaos of Brexit. Hopefully I can add to this important debate about our future prosperity in a positive way. Ideas on their own can be powerful, careful planning and implementation provide the best chance of successfully making change. I am an idealist, but a pragmatist in how I get there. The inspiration for this project was to encourage others to develop their thinking. It is not seeking to set out a prescriptive template for how we secure reunification. That is a process which will be developed by many people, as we plan and prepare in advance of a border poll.

I recognise that there are people who take a fundamentally different view from my desire for Irish unity – they instead want Northern Ireland to remain part of the United Kingdom. There is a range of opinions on the matter within even my own family and group of friends, so I appreciate that many readers may strongly disagree with the proposition that I am putting forward. However, I wish for people of all political viewpoints to feel able to read this book and engage with my suggestions, just as I want to hear the positive vision for remaining part of the UK. We do not have anything to fear by debating the issues respectfully and peacefully.

There may be those who say that I am a Lundy,1 that others like me who come from unionist backgrounds but favour Irish unity are betraying Nothern Ireland. But despite my unionist background, I always believed that I was Irish as well as British. Whereas my sense of Irishness grew as I spent more time outside of Northern Ireland, my sense of Britishness gradually dissipated.

Despite my dual nationality, I often felt as though I was not ‘British enough’ for Britain – I experienced hostility in London for being Irish; I had security guards follow me around shops when I was a teenager on a school trip after they heard my accent. In business, some people talked to me in a patronising manner because I was from Belfast. Similarly, I have experienced discrimination because of my unionist background – I applied for a job with a public sector body in Scotland and felt confident I would get it until a senior manager in the second interview started asking me hostile questions about my work experience with the UUP. I was asked to explain how Orange Order marches could possibly be like Mardi Gras, as the person snorted with disdain. Needless to say, I did not get the job after that.

Whether they feel British, Irish, a combination of the two, or a different nationality altogether, I want the best for everyone across the island of Ireland. Many unionists will be opposed to unity, but I would urge them to consider, who are the people that have actually betrayed Northern Ireland? The answer is the British government and Boris Johnson, the former British Prime Minister, in particular. Amongst other failings, he led the government that put a border down the Irish Sea a year after coming to Belfast and saying no British prime minister would ever do that.

Irish unity is an idea whose time has come. We need to rebuild our economy for the post-COVID world, to address the climate crisis and deal with the consequences of a hard Brexit. The Good Friday Agreement allowed the people of Ireland to decide on their future for themselves; we are now a quarter of a century on from this ground-breaking peace accord, which was supposed to allow bothparts of the island to develop a peaceful and prosperous relationship, with the potential for Irish unity over time. But now, the United Kingdom’s vote to leave the European Union, despite Northern Ireland and Scotland voting to remain, has brought the issue of uniting Ireland to the forefront. We need to talk about what Irish unity would look like, where all the people of this island can live together in peace, prosperity and harmony. The time to start planning is today so that we can avoid the chaos of Brexit. We need to prepare now or we will fail later.

There are many positives to reunification – economic, social and political. Over the course of this book, I will set out detailed, evidence-based arguments to prove why now is the time to prepare for unity. If there is to be Irish unity in the true sense of the phrase, a significant number of steps and fundamental changes will have to be undertaken. I aim to set a clear-headed analysis of what the issues are, with options to overcome them and the likely impact. While there will be references to the complex history of Ireland, the primary focus will be looking forward to the future, with specific and practical actions to move the two parts of the island of Ireland into one united country.

This book is a think piece based on my ideas as well as cold, hard facts and figures, intended to generate a discussion about how we can create Irish unity together. It sets out a passionate belief about why there should be Irish unity, how the campaign could be won and, crucially, how through careful planning and implementation we can make sure it is a success for all its people. Unionists and loyalists need to be part of this discussion. While we cannot force people to take part in the discussions, we must continue to provide assurances and demonstrate that there will be safeguards for all in a New Ireland.

Introduction

TOSAYTHAT we are living through an age of disruption is an understatement – these are extraordinary times. The UK has decided to embark on a Brexit journey with no agreed destination; it is no longer a member of the European Union, but there is no consensus on what the future relationship should be. At the same time, we are dealing with the ongoing fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic. Throughout both of these major, catastrophic events, it has been clear that Northern Ireland is not a top priority for the UK government. As we only have a population of 1.9 million out of a UK population of around 67 million, we should not expect to be considered the most important priority; however, policy decisions on both crucial issues have been taken against the best interests of Northern Ireland.

The fact that everyone across Ireland must appreciate is that, although I do not believe there is any innate hostility to the region, the British government do not care about Northern Ireland or value its contribution to the UK. Brexiters were frustrated by the added complications that Northern Ireland caused for leaving the EU because Northern Ireland shares a land border with another EU country (Ireland), but they got the Brexit that they wanted by putting a border in the Irish Sea. Britain has more freedom in how it has left the EU and, in theory at least, greater flexibility to negotiate trade deals with the USA and others. Multiple opinion polls by Lord Ashcroft2 and YouGov3 show the extent of England’s disinterest in Northern Ireland – Northern Ireland – Brexiters would rather see Brexit secured than keep either Scotland or Northern Ireland as part of the UK. Being separated by the Irish Sea, those in England perhaps do not feel that they have as much in common with Northern Ireland, as they do with Scotland and Wales. So, the future of the region is with the rest of the island.

The UK does not have a written constitution. However, the Irish Republic does and this incorporates the Good Friday Agreement which also covers Northern Ireland. It was our pathway out of violence, as a post-conflict society and it will be our route map towards becoming a settled society, where we can finally live in peace.

Our future, including any constitutional change under the Good Friday Agreement, was to be decided through solely democratic means, after decades of strife. Brexit has put all of this at risk – it has forced part of Ireland to leave the EU against its expressly given wishes, as Northern Ireland voted clearly to remain within the EU and the rest of Ireland did not have a vote.

To those who say the EU will collapse in the coming years, I would say look at how the EU27 maintained a remarkable sense of unity throughout the Brexit negotiations. Similarly, the EU stuck together during the COVID-19 pandemic and in response to the crisis in Ukraine. The EU is working collaboratively with its member states to address the cost of living crisis. For example, President von der Leyen brought forward plans to control the spiraling energy costs on a continent-wide basis, in her 2022 State of the Union address.4 Yes, there are frictions and strains on the familial bonds; however, this is what happens in a family and ultimately the EU27 are committed to the EU - they realise its key role as the greatest peace project the world has ever seen. Of course, there is a challenge in ensuring that the ordinary citizen, who cares mostly about jobs, housing and healthcare, understands that the EU provides a crucial framework to deliver on these key areas.

In some ways, Irish unity is a localised question about uniting two divided parts of one small island, but it also has larger ramifications and a wider resonance. Just as the EU helped to facilitate German reunification, so can Europe do the same once more for Ireland. This can help to reinforce the benefits and importance of EU membership. This is a union that is not only the world’s largest economic market but also a significant player in geopolitics, again as shown by the rapid response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. There is a growing recognition of the benefits of EU membership – Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia all formally applied for membership in early 2022; Turkey renewed its call to be admitted as well.

To those who would say that talk of Irish unity is destabilising, I would say Brexit is the true cause of destabilisation – increased talk of Irish unity is just a logical conclusion of the instability caused by Brexit. The UK government has, on two occasions in late 2020 and again in early 2021, indicated its willingness to break international law through proposed clauses in its Internal Market Bill and then again by unilaterally extending grace periods under the Northern Ireland Protocol. This risked the EU deciding not to ratify the EU–UK trade deal. These hostile actions by the UK government are destabilising the fragile peace in Northern Ireland and risk creating a hard border on the island of Ireland. If the UK government cannot be trusted with an international treaty, I do not see how we can trust them with anything else.

Brexiters do not like the Protocol for two reasons: firstly, it stops the pipe dream of a pure Brexit where every vestige of EU law or reference is removed from the UK; secondly, after initial adjustments, the Protocol is working well for the majority of Northern Ireland businesses.

Opinion polls have shown increasing support of the majority for the Northern Ireland Protocol.5 People and businesses indeed believe that the operation of the Protocol can be improved, of course, but it is concerning that Shailesh Vara the Northern Ireland Secretary of State claimed in August 2022 that almost everyone he had spoken to said that ‘the Protocol is not working’.6 The Northern Ireland Business Brexit Working Group, which represents a wide range of business interests, has continued to emphasise that while they think adjustments can be made, they support the Protocol. They stated in a recent written submission to the UK Parliament:

It should be remembered that the Protocol is successfully delivering on one of its main objectives – the avoidance of a hard border on the island of Ireland – and this is bringing significant economic benefit to the NI economy. 7

So, either the Secretary of State was badly informed or chose to say something that does not concur with reality.

Those who support Brexit do not want to see Northern Ireland doing well compared to the rest of the UK, which shows the continual and increasing damage that Brexit is causing.

The sad reality is that the Conservative Brexiters now exist as an anti-European cult where no variance from anti-EU vitriol is tolerated. Whether it is a weak prime minister or an ambitious cabinet minister, there is always an irresistible urge to burnish their Brexit credentials through hostility to the European project.