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- Herausgeber: John Wiley & Sons
- Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
- Sprache: Englisch
As the major driver of US demographic change, Latinos are reshaping key aspects of the social, economic, political, and cultural landscape of the country.
In this second edition of Latina/os in the United States, Sáenz, Morales, and Rayo-Garza highlight the experiences of Latinos in a variety of domains, including gender and sexuality, education, political engagement, work and economic life, family, religion, health and health care, crime and victimization, mass media, and the arts. This updated edition includes the latest demographic trends, discusses recent mass shootings of Latinos, the impact of the Trump administration, and COVID-19. With greater focus on the Afro-Latino population and Latina/o social thought, it offers sociological perspectives on both native-born and immigrant populations, and engages readers in thinking about the major issues that Latinos are facing. The book clearly illustrates the diverse experiences of the array of Latino groups in the United States, with some of these groups succeeding socially and economically, while other groups continue to experience major social and economic challenges. The book concludes with a discussion of what the future holds for Latinos.
This book is essential reading for students, social scientists, and policymakers interested in Latinos and their place in contemporary society.
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Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2024
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CONTENTS
Cover
Table of Contents
Dedications
Title Page
Copyright
Prefaces
1 Introduction
The Deep Roots and Influences of Latina/os on the US
The Diversity of Latina/os
The Making of Latina/os in the US
The Larger Context: Historical and Contemporary Latina/o Boundaries
Changes from the First Edition of the Book
Structure of the Book
Discussion Questions
2 The Diverse Histories of Latina/os
Historical Linkages between Latin American and Caribbean Countries and the US in the Making of Immigrants
Summary
Discussion Questions
3 Latina/o Social Thought
Historical Roots
Latina/os Building Institutional Power
Contemporary Latina/o Thought Leaders
Summary
Discussion Questions
4 Historical and Contemporary Latina/o Immigration
Theoretical Perspectives
US Immigration Policies and Programs
Historical Latin American Immigration to the US
Expulsion and Apprehensions of Latina/os
Latina/o Immigration in the Future
Summary
Discussion Questions
5 The Demography of Latina/os
Latina/o Population Trends
The Latina/o Population Growth Slowdown
Latina/os and the Future US Population
Demographic Variations in Latina/o Groups
Summary
Discussion Questions
6 Gender and Sexuality
Early Chicana Feminist Scholars and Paths to Intersectionality
Latine/x LGBTQ+ Scholarship
Scholarship on Trans and Gay Latine/xs
A Note on Gender, Sexuality, Identity, Latina/o/e/xs, and Data
Summary
Discussion Questions
7 Political Engagement
Chicana/o Movement
Puerto Rican Social Movements
Trends on Latina/o Political Perceptions
Latina/os Politicians
Issues Related to the Future of Latina/o Political Power
Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA)
Summary
Discussion Questions
8 The Latina/o Arts
Latina/o Literary Art
Latina/o Music
Summary
Discussion Questions
9 Education
Theoretical Perspectives
Educational Trends among Latina/os
Issues of Concern for the Future of Latina/o Education
Summary
Discussion Questions
10 Work and Economic Life
Theoretical Perspectives
Labor Market Patterns of Latina/o Groups
Some Issues Related to the Future of Latina/o Work and Economic Life
Summary
Discussion Questions
11 Families
Familismo
Debates on Familismo
Culture versus Structural Perspectives on Latina/o Families
Trends in Marriage, Family, and Households among Latina/os
Potential Future Trends in Latina/o Families
Summary
Discussion Questions
12 Religion
Historical Ties of Latina/os to Catholicism and Our Lady of Guadalupe
The Uniqueness of Latina/o Catholics and Cultural Ties to Catholicism in the US
Theoretical Perspectives
Religious Patterns of Latina/os
Issues Related to the Future of Latina/o Religious Life
Summary
Discussion Questions
13 Health and Health Care
Stratification and Cumulative Advantages/Disadvantages
The Social Determinants of Health and Longevity Theoretical Perspectives
The Latina/o Paradox Before the Pandemic
The Other Side of the Latina/o Paradox
Issues Related to the Future of Latina/o Health and Health Care
Summary
Discussion Questions
14 Crime and Victimization
Criminalization of Latina/os in the Past and Today
Criminological Theoretical Frameworks
Latina/o Gangs
Trends in Victimization
Systemic Racism in Policing and Social Movements
Issues Related to the Future of Latina/o Crime and Victimization
Summary
Discussion Questions
15 Mass Media
Theoretical Overview
Historical Overview of Spanish-Language Mass Media
The Framing of Latina/os in the Print Media
Social Media, Misinformation, and Latina/os
Mass Media Patterns Concerning Latina/os
Issues Related to the Future of Latina/os and the Mass Media
Summary
Discussion Questions
16 Conclusions
Changes from the First Edition
Challenges of Latina/os for US Racial Matters
The Shift from a Bi-Racial to a Tri-Racial Framework
The Structural Aspects of Racial and Ethnic Stratification
The Implications of the Growing Latina/o Population on Societal Institutions
Summary
Discussion Questions
Appendices
A. List of Occupations Comprising “Latina/o Immigrant Jobs” by Sex
B. Results of Multiple Regression Analysis Examining the Relationships between Selected Predictors and the Logged Wage and Salary Income by Place of Birth and Sex, 2022
References
Index
End User License Agreement
List of Tables
Chapter 1
Table 1.1
Percentage of Latina/os in Twelve Largest Latina/o Groups Choosing Selected Race…
Table 1.2
Percentage of Latina/os in Twelve Largest Latina/o Groups Choosing Selected Race…
Chapter 4
Table 4.1
Persons Obtaining Legal Permanent Resident Status by Region and Period
Table 4.2
Spanish-Speaking Latin American Countries Ranked by Most Persons Obtaining Legal…
Table 4.3
Number of Latina/o Immigrants and Related Statistics for Selected Groups, 2022
Table 4.4
Annual Number of Immigrants to the US by Latina/o Group, 2012, 2017, and 2022
Table 4.5
Number of Title 42 Expulsions and Non-Citizen Apprehensions by Country of Nation…
Chapter 5
Table 5.1
US Population in 2022 and Projected Populations in 2040 and 2060 for Selected Gr…
Table 5.2
Demographic Characteristics of Latina/o Groups
Chapter 7
Table 7.1
Percentage Perceptions of Which Party is Most Concerned About Latina/os, 2018
Table 7.2
Latina/o Lawmakers in Congress 2022 Making History
Table 7.3
Cities with the Largest Latina/o Population and Local Political Representation, …
Table 7.4
States with Anti-Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion Legislation Introduced, Approv…
Chapter 9
Table 9.1
Percentage of Persons 16 to 24 Years of Age who are Dropouts by Race/Ethnic Grou…
Table 9.2
Percentage of Persons 25 Years of Age and Older who are High-School Graduates by…
Table 9.3
Percentage of Persons 25 Years of Age and Older with a Bachelor’s Degree or High…
Chapter 10
Table 10.1
Percentage of Persons 25 to 54 Years of Age Employed by Race/Ethnic Group, Plac…
Table 10.2
Selected Characteristics Related to Job Quality by Race/Ethnic Group, Place of B…
Table 10.3
Median Job Income by Race/Ethnic Group, Place of Birth, and Sex among Workers 25…
Table 10.4
Disparities in Wage and Salary Income of Workers 25 to 54 Years of Age Obtained …
Chapter 11
Table 11.1
Selected Marriage and Divorce Characteristics among Persons 25 to 44 Years of Ag…
Table 11.2a
Race/Ethnic Identity of Latina Wives Married in Last Ten Years by Place of Birth…
Table 11.2b
Race/Ethnic Identity of Latino Husbands Married in Last Ten Years by Place of Bi…
Table 11.3
Same-Sex Couple Rates by Race/Ethnic Group, Sex, and Nativity, 2022
Table 11.4
Percentage of Children Living in Family Households with Female Householders No H…
Table 11.5
Selected Household Arrangement Characteristics by Race/Ethnic Group, Sex, and Na…
Chapter 12
Table 12.1
Percentage Distribution of Selected Latina/o Groups by Religious Affiliation, 20…
Chapter 13
Table 13.1
Death Rates for Selected Race/Ethnic Groups by Age and Sex, 2022
Table 13.2
Age-Adjusted Death Rates for Fifteen Leading Causes of Death by Race/Ethnic Gro…
Table 13.3
Causes of Death For Which Latina/os Have Higher Age-Adjusted Death Rates Compare…
Table 13.4
Percentage of Students in 9th to 12th Grade Engaging in Selected Health Risk Beh…
Table 13.5
Percentage of Children and Adolescents Who are Obese by Race/Ethnic Group and S…
Table 13.6
Percentage of Persons by Health Care Needs by Race/Ethnic Group and Age, 2015–20…
Table 13.7
Selected Foreign-Born Latina/o Groups with the Highest Percentages of Persons La…
Chapter 14
Table 14.1
Percentages of Concern Regarding Deportations of Self, Relatives, or Friends, 20…
List of Figure
Chapter 1
Figure 1.1
Percentage Racial Distribution of Latina/os by Year
Chapter 3
Figure 3.1
Jovita Idár around 1905
Chapter 4
Figure 4.1
Annual Number of Latina/o Immigrants to the US by Year, 2012–2022
Figure 4.2
Annual Immigration for Hondurans, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans by Year, 2012–202…
Figure 4.3
Number of Asians and Latin American Immigrants Moving to the US in the Past Year…
Figure 4.4
Number of Immigrants Moving from China, India, and Mexico to the US in the Past …
Chapter 5
Figure 5.1
Latina/o Population in the US, 1980–2020
Figure 5.2
Percentage Change in the Latina/o and US Populations by Period
Figure 5.3
Percentage of US Population Growth Due to Latina/o Population Growth by Period
Figure 5.4
Percentage Share of Latina/os in US Population, 1980–2020
Figure 5.5
Age–Sex Pyramid for Latina/os and Whites in the US, 2022
Figure 5.6
Percentage Share of Latina/os and Whites by Age Group in the (a) California and …
Figure 5.7
Latina/o and White Immigrants Arriving in the Past Year Per 1,000 Population, 20…
Figure 5.8
Total Fertility Rates of Latina and White Women, 2003–2022
Figure 5.9
Life Expectancy at Birth for Latina/os and Whites by Sex, 2006–2021
Figure 5.10
Total number of Latina/o and White Births and Deaths, 2018–2021
Figure 5.11
Indices of Dissimilarity Representing the Difference between Latina/o Groups and…
Figure 5.12
Two Categories of Latina/o New Destination States, 2020
Chapter 7
Figure 7.1
Percentage of Latina/o Registered Voters by Political Party
Figure 7.2
Percentage of Latina/o Registered Voters by Level of Education
Figure 7.3
Percentage of Latina/o Registered Voters by Level of Education and Political Par…
Figure 7.4
Percentage of Latina/o Registered Voters by Political Party and Sex
Figure 7.5
Percentage of Latina/os Who Approve of the 2017–2021 Trump Presidency
Figure 7.6
Photograph of the Immigrant Rights, March, 2006
Figure 7.7
Percentage of Latina/o Registered Voters by US-Born and Naturalized Citizens
Chapter 9
Figure 9.1
Percentage of Parents with Access to Internet and Computer Device by Race/Ethnic…
Chapter 10
Figure 10.1
Percentage of Latina/os among US Workers by Year, 1980–2021
Figure 10.2
Percentage of Latina/o Workers Foreign-Born, 1980–2021
Chapter 12
Figure 12.1
Percentage of Latina/os by Religious Affiliation, 2010–2022
Figure 12.2
Latina/o Political Party Affiliation for Selected Religious Groups, 2014
Chapter 13
Figure 13.1
The Social Determinants of Health
Figure 13.2
The National Institute on Minority Health and Health Disparities Research Framew…
Figure 13.3
Life Expectancy at Birth for Selected Race/Ethnic Groups by Sex, 2021
Figure 13.4
Percentage of Persons with a Disability for Selected Race/Ethnic Groups by Age a…
Figure 13.5
Percentage of Persons with a Disability among Native-Born Latina/os, Foreign-Bo…
Figure 13.6
Percentage of Persons Without Health Insurance by Race/Ethnic Group, Age, and Pl…
Figure 13.7
Infant Mortality Rates for Latina/os and Whites by Year
Figure 13.8
Percentage of Latina Women Giving Birth in Past Year Who Are Foreign-Born by Yea…
Figure 13.9
COVID-19 Age-Adjusted Death Rates by Race/Ethnic Group and Sex, 2020 and 2021
Figure 13.10
Life Expectancy at Birth by Race/Ethnic Group and Sex, 2019, 2020, and 2021
Chapter 14
Figure 14.1
Percentage Perceptions of Racial and Ethnic Discrimination by Race/Ethnic Group,…
Chapter 15
Figure 15.1
Number of Articles in the New York Times Containing “Hispanic” or “Latino” by Pe…
Figure 15.2
Percentage of Articles in the New York Times Containing “Hispanic” or “Latino” T…
Guide
Cover
Table of Contents
Dedications
Title Page
Copyright
Prefaces
Begin Reading
Appendices
References
Index
End User License Agreement
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Dedications
To my wife, Janie Valadez, for her love, support, and encouragement, and to Remy Sáenz, our beautiful precious grandson who has brought so much joy to our lives.
Rogelio Sáenz
To Brian Roebuck, who provided immense support as I was writing this book, and my children Brianna and Joaquin, whose love makes me a better human.
Maria Cristina Morales
To my children Grace and Carlitos whom I love with all my heart. For my husband, Carlos, who has been by my side through it all. Los amo.
Coda Rayo-Garza
Latina/os in the United States
Diversity and Change
2nd edition
ROGELIO SÁENZ
MARIA CRISTINA MORALES
CODA RAYO-GARZA
polity
Copyright © Rogelio Sáenz, Maria Cristina Morales, & Coda Rayo-Garza 2025
The right of Rogelio Sáenz, Maria Cristina Morales, & Coda Rayo-Garza to be identified as Authors of this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First edition published in 2015 by Polity PressThis second edition first published in 2025 by Polity Press
Polity Press65 Bridge StreetCambridge CB2 1UR, UK
Polity Press111 River StreetHoboken, NJ 07030, USA
All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purpose of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.
ISBN-13: 978-1-5095-3712-9
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Control Number: 2024937086
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Prefaces
Ever since I discovered sociology back in the late 1970s when I was an undergraduate student at Pan American University (now University of Texas at Rio Grande Valley), I have used the sociological framework to make sense of the world and to seek ways to improve the lives of people on the margins of society. While I have written on a wide variety of topics, the major constancy of my work has been a focus on Latina/os. I have used my writing to call attention to major problems, including structural racism, that confront Latina/os and to try to find ways to improve the conditions of nuestra raza.
The dreams that I had as an undergraduate student involved writing about Latina/os, as I found very little written about us then. A book? That would be great! I was very fortunate that Polity Press reached out to me nearly two decades ago to write such a book. My dear friend and colleague and former student, Maria Cristina Morales, collaborated with me on the book, which came out in 2015. Like the first edition of the book, the second edition took too much time to complete – in large part due to my penchant for overextending myself with writing projects, doing public sociology/demography, and serving on the board of directors of countless non-profit justice organizations. Cristina and I reached out to a very talented doctoral student, whose dissertation I am directing, to join us as a co-author of the second edition. Coda Rayo-Garza delivered and helped us get to the finish line. Muchísimas gracias Cristina y Coda!
I am very thankful for the Polity folks, starting with Emma Longstaff, who first reached out to me to write the book, and to Jonathan Skerrett, whose patience and firm hand, made the writing of the two editions of this book possible and, more recently, to Karina Jákupsdóttir, who was a constant source of support. Thank you Polity Press! I have enjoyed the support of numerous colleagues locally and beyond who have contributed to my intellectual development, including Benigno Aguirre, Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, David Embrick, Roger Enriquez, Joe Feagin, Juan Flores, Mark Fossett, Mark Garcia, Felipe Gonzales, Willis Goudy (my mentor and dissertation advisor), Lourdes Gouveia, José Ángel Gutiérrez, Nancy López, Ramiro Martinez, David Montejano, Verónica Montes de Oca, Maria Cristina Morales, Ed Murguia, Michael Olivas, Marco Portales, Dudley Poston, Joseph Spielberg Benitez, Edward Telles, Marta Tienda, Norma Willimas, Jesse Zapata, and René Zenteno.
Finally, I provide the most special gratitude to the people closest to me, whom I love with all my heart and soul. I thank my wonderful sons – Daniel, Joseph, and Jesse – and stepdaughter, Jennifer, for their constant love, for being wonderful human beings, and for doing the great work that they do. I also thank my beautiful grandson, Remy, for the joy that he has brought to me, and my step-grandchildren, Sebi and Abbie, for their love and for making me part of the family. I also love and very much treasure my sister, Dalia, and brother, Balde, for their love, support, and humor throughout our whole lives. And, finally, I am so grateful and appreciative of my wife, Janie Valadez, for her endless love, support, and encouragement, and for her patience with my extremely overextended work schedule. ¡Te adoro con todo mi corazón y alma! I have very much enjoyed the journey that we are on and very much look forward to our future years together.
Rogelio Sáenz
San Antonio, Texas
When I think of how I developed my interest in the sociology of Latina/o/x, I can trace it to my childhood in El Paso, Texas. I grew up along the US–Mexico border, in a place that looks ethnically homogeneous from the outside but where one is straddling between two cultures and not being fully incorporated into either. The complexity, structural violence and injustices, and the beauty of the border challenge me daily and are the source of my sociological imagination. This is the place that I have continued to call home, now as a professor of sociology at the University of Texas at El Paso (UTEP).
From my office at UTEP, I can see Cuidad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico, the sister city of El Paso, where I spent a significant portion of my childhood visiting family and various other social activities living the life of a fronteriza (a transborder person). I cannot simply go about my day and pretend that the violence and injustices at the border do not happen. This is a heaviness that most of us borderlanders carry with us. Yet, I also look to Juárez with a lot of gratitude and acknowledgment of the sacrifices my parents, Maria de Jesus and Oscar Morales, made as they migrated to the US and worked very hard to provide a better life for me and my siblings. I also would not be the person I am today without my Abuelita Aurora, who looked after us as my parents worked many, many hours. She truly was the kindest person that I’ve known. The saying “she never knew a stranger” truly applies to her as she loved and cared for many people and animals. She taught me to see the good in everyone and to love nature. Although she passed away while I was in graduate school, I continue to see her strength in my daughter Brianna. Life has presented many challenges for Brianna, and despite her young age, she handles things with more grace and wisdom than most adults. My son, Joaquin, is my safe place. Joaquin gives me peace and love and shields my wounds with his laughter and sense of humor. Brianna and Joaquin, I admire and love you both tremendously. My husband, Brian Roebuck, always puts me and the kids ahead of himself; without him, life as an academic would be nearly impossible. Familismo is not just a sociological concept; the support from my siblings Cindy and Oscar, my nephew Noah, nieces Alessandra, Andrea, and Bella, my brother-in-law Andres, and sister-in-law Debbie are invaluable.
Writing this book with my mentor and friend, Rogelio Sáenz, is a great privilege. Academia can be a very isolating place for a first-generation Latina like me, so his belief in me and mentorship for over two decades has been instrumental. Coda, I am in awe of how much you do for your family and community. I have enjoyed collaborating with you on this manuscript. I am also grateful for the emotional support that my academic friends gave me during this time, in particular, Leisy Abrego, Cynthia Bejarano, Selfa Chew, Angela Frederick, Amado Alarcon, Joe Heyman, Danielle Morales, Amelia Rau, Nadia Flores, and Nancy Plankey-Videla, during the writing of this manuscript.
Maria Cristina Morales
El Paso, Texas
I am deeply honored to have had the opportunity to contribute to the second edition of this book. When I first began my PhD journey, I never imagined I would have an opportunity like this. I am so grateful to have the mentorship and guidance of Rogelio Sáenz, or as we fondly refer to him as “el profe”. To have contributed to a book like this is a dream come true, but to have done so alongside two incredible scholars that I admire and respect, Rogelio and Cristina, is a wonderful blessing. I have much to learn from you both. Gracias por confiar en mí.
As I think back on my childhood experiences, I am grateful that despite all the challenges my family faced, we made it through with the wisdom of a better understanding of life, justice, faith, and perseverance. I am grateful for the sacrifices of my mom and dad. Thank you for always encouraging me to keep my efforts focused on a better future. Finally, I am grateful for my husband Carlos. I appreciate everything you do for our family and everything you have done to support me through it all. We started this journey together many years ago, and now we have two beautiful children who we get to watch grow every day. Carlitos and Grace, you are everything to me. I hope to make you all so proud. I love you all so much.
Coda Rayo-Garza
San Antonio, Texas
We are deeply grateful to our editors, Jonathan Skerrett and Karina Jákupsdótti, and their team at Polity for their patience and insightful feedback that helped to shape the second edition of Latina/os in the United States. To our readers, thank you for your support, and we are honored to be part of your journey of learning about the contributions and structural challenges of Latina/os living in the US.
Rogelio Sáenz
Maria Cristina Morales
Coda Rayo-Garza
1Introduction
Hispanics set foot in this country long before the Pilgrims, one of many truths lost in the telling of American history. Now more Latinos are demanding answers from those who fail to acknowledge this continuing amnesia. Compared with white Americans, Latinos earn less, face more barriers to education and health care, and find themselves underrepresented in higher-paid areas of the workforce, as well as in popular culture. As long as our stories and voices continue to be written out of textbooks, omitted in film, TV, and print, and minimized in the halls of power, people will continue to see Latinos as something other than inherently American.
(Stephania Taladrid)
Journalist Stephania Taladrid (2021), who is a contributing writer to The New Yorker on issues related to the Latina/o population, aptly illustrates the overall US ignorance and exclusion of Latina/os. Despite common perceptions that Latina/os are newcomers to the US, they have a long presence in the US extending back nearly two centuries. Over this long period of time, countless numbers of Latina/os have been born in the US, while others continue to make their journey to this country. Over their long history in the US, Latina/os have made important contributions to this nation. In particular, Mexicans were initially incorporated into this country more than one and a half centuries ago, with Puerto Ricans becoming associated with the US more than a century ago. The US, especially in the Southwest (especially Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, and Texas), bears profound Latina/o – particularly Mexican – roots. Indeed, much of the land in the Southwest (including California, Nevada, Utah, New Mexico, most of Arizona and Colorado, and parts of Oklahoma, Kansas, and Wyoming) belonged to Mexico until 1848 with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo at the end of the Mexican–American War (National Archives 2024). As a result of this treaty, Mexico lost about 55 percent of its land to the US. Indeed, Latina/os living in the Southwest exist in land that once was part of Mexico.
Over the last several decades, Latina/os have played an important role in the changing demography of the US. The increasing prominence of Latina/os makes them the engine of the US population. The growing presence of Latina/os in the US is having an impact on the nation’s culture and institutions. Population projections indicate that Latina/os will increasingly drive the nation’s demography throughout the twenty-first century. It is estimated that the Latina/o electorate will nearly double between 2012 and 2030, largely due to the rapidly growing number of young Latina/os turning eighteen years of age (Taylor et al. 2012a). Latina/os also accounted for more than three-fifths (62%) of the growth in people eligible to vote between the 2018 presidential and the 2022 mid-term election, increasing at a rate of 16 percent, higher than the change among other racial or ethnic groups (Natarajan and Im 2022). The potential political power of Latina/os is immense. At the national level, 65 percent of the US Latina/o citizens of voting age population (CVAP) are concentrated in five of the six most populous states (California, Texas, Florida, New York, and Illinois) compared to 32 percent of US non-Latina/os. At the state level, the Latina/o population is larger than the white population in California, New Mexico, and Texas.
This book provides a sociological overview of Latina/os to help readers better understand the past, present, and future of the diverse groups that comprise the Latina/o population in the US. In the following section we will identify the extensive roots and some of the major influences of Latina/os in this country in the realms of history, culture, language, and cuisine.
The Deep Roots and Influences of Latina/os on the US
The influence of Latina/os on the US reaches far back in history. A testament of this historical presence are the many cities across the Southwest that bear Spanish names, including Casa Grande, Guadalupe, Mesa, Nogales, Sierra Vista in Arizona; Chula Vista, Fresno, Los Angeles, Merced, San Diego, San Francisco in California; Aguilar, Alma, Blanca, Dolores, Las Animas, and Pueblo in Colorado; Belen, Española, Las Cruces, Las Vegas, Raton, and Santa Fe in New Mexico; and Amarillo, Del Rio, El Paso, La Feria, San Antonio, and Zapata in Texas.
In addition, the influence of Latina/os on the US can be seen in the English language. In the Southwest, Spanish words that have become part of the English language stem from the ranching past of Mexicans. The list of Spanish words that are part of the English language includes arroyo (stream), avocado, barbeque, buckaroo (derived from vaquero, the Spanish word for cowboy), burro (donkey), chaparral (thicket), conquistador, corral (pen), desperado (bandit), dolly welter (“a term for wrapping a lasso around a saddle horn … comes from ‘dale vuelta’ [Spanish for ‘give it a turn’], see Ponce 2022), junta (meeting), lariat (derived from la riata, Spanish word for rope), lasso (same as with lariat), mesa (plateau), mesquite, patio, pimento (pepper), rodeo, salsa, savanna, sierra (mountain range), tango, ten-gallon hat, tomato, and vanilla (see Wikipedia 2024).
Furthermore, Spanish language instruction in the US has increased dramatically over the last several decades and Spanish became the most popular language studied by American students at the university level in the mid-1990s (Gearing 2010). For example, according to a study of college enrollment in foreign languages in 2009 by the Modern Language Association (Furman et al. 2010), approximately 865,000 students in the US were enrolled in a Spanish language course, with French, the second most popular foreign-language course, having an enrollment only one-fourth that of Spanish. Nonetheless, the most recent Modern Language Association report indicates a decline in non-English language instruction with the number of persons enrolled in Spanish courses dropping by 17 percent between 2009 and 2016, compared with a decline of 13 percent for all other non-English languages combined (Looney and Lusin 2019). Still, Spanish continues to be the most popular foreign language taught in higher education today, with half of all the students enrolled in a foreign-language course taking Spanish (Maria 2023).
Similarly, according to the 2021 American Community Survey (ACS) (Ruggles et al. 2024), Spanish was the most common language among persons five years of age and older who spoke a language other than English in the US, with 41.3 million persons speaking Spanish at home (Ruggles et al. 2024). Furthermore, approximately 2.7 million non-Latina/o individuals – 69 percent of these being whites – spoke Spanish at home at that time (Ruggles et al. 2024). Who are these whites who speak Spanish at home? There are three possibilities. First, they could be persons who have a Latina/o-related ancestry but they do not identify as Latina/o today. Second, they could be whites born in Latin America, the Caribbean, or Spain, places where Spanish is spoken. Third, they could be married to a Latina/o spouse. We examined these possibilities using data from the 2021 ACS for whites who speak Spanish at home. There is no support for the first two possibilities: only approximately 9 percent of white Spanish speakers who reported one or two ancestries in the ACS listed a Latina/o-related ancestry, and only 4 percent of white Spanish speakers were born in a country where Spanish is spoken. However, white Spanish speakers are disproportionately married to Latina/o spouse, who are likely to have been born outside of the US. Approximately 37 percent of married white Spanish speakers have a spouse who is Latina/o, two-thirds of these Latina/o spouses being born outside of the US. This represents an interesting illustration of how Spanish-language use is maintained even in cases involving intermarriage.
The influence of Latina/os – especially of Mexicans – can also be seen in the food that Americans consume. Indeed, the three most popular ethnic cuisines in the US are Chinese, Mexican, and Italian (Williams 2020). In addition, Mexican food accounts for the largest share of the overall food market and Mexican restaurants account for 11 percent of all restaurants in the country, behind only those designated as “American” food restaurants, which supposedly serve traditional “American” food (Danziger 2023). The dethroning of ketchup by salsa for the title of the most popular condiment in 1991 is emblematic of the rising popularity of Mexican food in the US (O’Neill 1992). More recently, in June 2023 Modelo beer supplanted Budweiser beer as the US top seller of beer, after the latter’s nearly two-decade reign at the top (Moreno 2023; Tse 2023).
Furthermore, Mexican businesses have also made important inroads into the US and global markets. Cemex the second top cement supplier in the US (Leonard 2023) and Cinépolis (Kolmar 2023) and Grupo Bimbo (Bizvibe 2020) being the second largest movie theater chain and the fourth largest baker in the world, respectively. Moreover, Latina/o-owned small businesses have grown tremendously. For example, over the last decade, the number of Latina/o-owned small businesses rose by 34 percent compared to 1 percent for all other non-Latina/o-owned businesses (Cimini 2020; Mills et al. 2018).
In the world of music, Rolling Stone began a section on Latina/o music in late 2012 (Newman 2012). A significant number of Latina/o musicians have gained popularity as “crossover” artists who rank highly in Spanish and English language music charts. Historically, the list of leading Latina/o crossover performers has grown to include Marc Anthony, Raymond Ayala (aka Daddy Yankee), Celia Cruz, Gloria Estefan, Jose Feliciano, Luis Fonsi, Enrique Iglesias, Ricky Martin, Carlos Santana, Selena, Shakira, Richie Valens (see DeVitt 2011). Of course, there are other Latina/o performers who excel in English, including Jennifer Lopez and Sixto Rodriguez, among others.
Thus, it is clear that Latina/os have had major influences on diverse dimensions of the US, including its history, culture, language, architecture, and cuisine. This influence is likely to expand significantly throughout the twenty-first century with the disproportionate growth of Latina/os (see Chapter 5).
The Diversity of Latina/os
Before continuing, it is important to understand the population changes Latina/os have experienced over the last six decades. In the early 1960s, the Latina/o population was largely comprised of persons of Mexican origin alongside a relatively small Puerto Rican population and an even smaller Cuban population, with the great majority (approximately 85%) born in the US. More than a half century later the Latina/o population is much more diverse. While Mexicans still account for approximately three-fifths of the Latina/o population, Latina/os today originate from the Caribbean, Central and South America, as well as Spain, with close to one-third born outside of the US. In the last decade, we have seen a significant reduction of the Mexican-origin population and foreign-born persons, largely due to the decline in Mexican immigrants since the Great Recession beginning in 2008. Indeed, over the last decade and a half, the most significant shifts in the Latina/o population have been the reduction of Latina/os who are of Mexican-origin and who were born outside of the US. To be sure, the growth of the Latino population beyond Mexicans has been associated with significant levels of immigration from the Caribbean and Central and South America over the last few decades (see Chapter 4).
The combination of an established population that has been in this country for many generations alongside a newcomer group reflects the great diversity that exists within the Latina/o population in the US. Latina/os also differ significantly on the basis of language, physical attributes (e.g. skin color), family and household formation, socioeconomic status, among many other variations. Furthermore, as elaborated in Chapter 2, Latina/o subgroups differ significantly in their histories and particularly in the ways they were first incorporated into the US. Mexicans and Puerto Ricans were initially incorporated into the US through warfare directly involving the US in the nineteenth century. In contrast, Cubans were embraced as “golden exiles” and granted refugee status when they immigrated in significant numbers to the US in 1959 as they were fleeing communism and Fidel Castro with less favorable receptivity when immigrant flows became poorer and Black (Eckstein 2009). Dominicans were initially allowed to immigrate to the US in the form of a safety valve guarding against the rise of dissension in the Dominican Republic in the 1960s. Moreover, Salvadorans and Guatemalans came in large numbers, beginning in the late 1970s to escape the ravages of vicious civil wars in their countries, but their pleas for refugee status were largely rejected despite them fleeing brutal governments supported by the US. Finally, Colombians began immigrating to the US in the 1980s as they sought haven from the brutal cartel wars that devastated the country and its people. These varying histories of incorporation into the US led to diverse paths of inclusion with some groups enjoying easier routes than others, although the context of reception has grown increasingly hostile to all immigrants over much of the twenty-first century. This leads us to ask, how can groups with varying histories and migratory trajectories at different time periods and disparate conditions all be labeled as “Latina/os”?
The Making of Latina/os in the US
The US government and the US Census Bureau, have historically had difficulty in identifying and naming Latina/os. For example, in the 1930 census during the period surrounding the Great Depression and the Repatriation Program seeking to return persons of Mexican origin to Mexico, Mexicans were treated as a racial category – the only time ever in the history of the US census. As the Latina/o population grew during the 1940s and 1950s, the Census Bureau, in trying to identify this population, defined people as “persons of Spanish surname” and “persons of Spanish language,” with terms used on the basis of the region of the country. Toward the end of the 1970s, the US government came up with the term “Hispanic” to identify the Latina/o population, although the 1980 census used the category “person of Spanish origin.” The mass media celebrated and glorified the “Hispanic” term during the 1980s. For instance, Time featured a story on the Latina/o population and dubbed the 1980s the “decade of Hispanics” with Hispanic Heritage Month initiated in 1988 (Dávila 2001). Nonetheless, certain Latina/os were critical of the Hispanic term because they felt that it was imposed on the group by the national government and that the label highlighted and celebrated the Spanish roots of the group. By the 1990s, the Latino term began to be used increasingly in the mass media. Yet, some still expressed disapproval of the term because these individuals see it as neglecting their Hispanic and Spanish ancestry in favor of their Latin American ancestry.
We use the term Latina/o in this book. It should be understood that the terms Latina/o and Hispanic (and the Latinx and Latine designations that emerged in the last decade or so) represent the same people, though there are differences in their preference for labels. For example, a national survey of Latina/os/Hispanics found that half of the sample did not have a preference for one label over the other; however, of those that had a preference for one identity, the Hispanic term was favored over the Latina/o designation (Taylor et al. 2012b). More recent research has shown a greater preference for the Hispanic term, with 61 percent of respondents opting for this label compared to 29 percent preferring Latino, 4 percent Latinx, and 5 percent some other label (Noe-Bustamante et al. 2020). This Pew Research Center survey also observed that only one-third of Latina/os were aware of the Latinx term, but two-thirds of people who had heard this label opposed its use. Yet, US-born Latina/os in California have a more favorable connection to the Latinx term, with more than half familiar with the term (Mora et al. 2021) and approximately one-fourth identifying with the term (Mora et al. 2022). Younger Latina/os who are more politically progressive are the most likely to embrace the Latinx term.
While Latina/o and Hispanic represent “pan-ethnic” terms, in that they are umbrella designations that comprise the varying specific subgroups that make up the larger population, Latina/os tend to prefer labels that describe their national origin, i.e. Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, etc. Indeed, slightly more than half of Latina/os picked a national-origin label over the pan-ethnic Latina/o or Hispanic term (Taylor et al. 2012b). This is particularly the case for migrants from Latin American and the Caribbean, who view themselves not as Latina/o or Hispanic, but as Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Guatemalan, Bolivian, or Spanish. Certainly, people in say, Colombia, regard themselves as colombianos or Colombians rather than Latina/o or Hispanic, as the latter two terms are not even appropriate pan-ethnic terms in their home countries – that is, they are labels constructed in the US. Nevertheless, regardless of their own preference, when immigrants come to the US they become recipients of the Latina/o or Hispanic pan-ethnic identities. While gradually they may come to adopt the “Latina/o” or “Hispanic” labels, the preference for the national-origin labels remains.
Similarly, social constructions of race vary tremendously between Latin American countries in the US. For example, Latin American and Caribbean countries use a variety of designations along the racial color line and there is a common saying in Latin America and the Caribbean that “money whitens,” suggesting that persons with darker skin who are economically prosperous are treated as white. In contrast, the US has consistently featured a Black/white racial dichotomy in which a “single drop of Black blood” results in a person being considered and treated as Black (Hickman 1997). Thus, dark-skinned individuals, who may be viewed in their home country as white, are considered and treated as Black in the US. For example, considerable segments of people in the Dominican Republic, despite their historical ties to Africa, tend to deny their African ancestry in favor of their Spanish and indigenous roots (Candelario 2007; Torres-Saillant 2000). Many dark-skinned Dominican immigrants are surprised to learn that in the US they are Black.
Racial Matters
While social scientists view race as a social construction, it is real in its consequences. Thus, although there is greater variation in the genetic structure within racial categories than across racial categories, societies continue to place individuals into racial categories on the basis of physical features, namely skin color. Racial groups are then stratified along a variety of dimensions including social, economic, and political realms. Given the long history of white supremacy, persons who are white are at the top of the stratification system, while those who are the darkest are situated at the base of the stratification system. Latina/os vary widely on the skin color spectrum; some Latina/os are dark while others are characterized by light skin. People who have populated Latin America and the Caribbean, as well as Spain, have a wide array of features associated with different racial categories. The mixture of racial features stems across African, Arab, Asian, European, and indigenous roots.
According to the Office of Management and Budget (OMB), which oversees the US Census Bureau, Latina/os represent an ethnic group rather than a racial category. Nonetheless, on census-related forms, Latina/os are asked to classify themselves racially. In the 2020 census there was a significant change in the question design, data processing, and coding procedures, with the consequences being greater options for people to identify their own race. The expanding race options included an expansion of the number of characters for the identification of multiple races along with an increase in the number of multiple races that people could choose (see Marks and Rios-Vargas 2021). For Latina/os, these changes brought about a major change in the way Latina/os identified themselves along the lines of race. Between the 2010 and 2020 censuses, the number of Latina/os identifying their race as white alone fell by 53 percent and those classifying themselves as Black alone declined by 6 percent, while the number of Latina/os identifying themselves as multiracial grew six-fold and those choosing the category of American Indian and Alaska Native alone more than doubled (Jones et al. 2021; for the concept of Latina/o displacement of indigenous people through settler colonialism, see also Pulido 2018). Of course, there is a need for caution in interpreting these changes, as they largely reflect the way in which the race question was designed and the way that the data were coded and processed rather than a massive change in racial identification.
This shift can be further identified in the comparison of the racial composition of Latina/os across four time periods: the first two (2010 and 2019) based on the procedures used in the 2010 census, and the latter two (2020 and 2021) based on those of the 2020 census. As Figure 1.1 shows, while the white racial designation was the most popular in the 2019 ACS, with about a little more than half (53.0%) and two-thirds (65.7%) opting for white, respectively, in 2010 and 2019, only one-fifth (20.3%) and one-sixth (16.4%) did so in 2020 and 2021, respectively. In the 2021 ACS, multiracial was the most popular racial designation, with 44.1 percent choosing this category, followed by “Some Other Race” at 35.3 percent and white at 16.4 percent. Again, we reiterate that these shifts reflect the change in the design of the race question and in the processing of the responses, rather than significant shifts of this magnitude in racial identification. Moreover, one of the major worrisome implications of these dramatic shifts in racial identification produced by these design and processing changes is the likely instability of statistics including poverty rates, death rates, median incomes, and so forth in making comparisons before and after 2020, when the procedural changes took place.
The racial identification changes occurred among all Latina/o subgroups (Table 1.1). Even groups that historically have identified almost exclusively as white changed their racial classification in 2020. For example, while 87 percent of Cubans identified themselves as white in 2019, only 20.5 percent did so in 2021. Spaniards, too, experienced a drop from 75.6 percent to 23.2 percent in the choice of white between 2019 and 2021, respectively. In fact, in 2021, the selection of the white racial category was even much lower (below 20%) among all other Latina/o subgroups, aside from Cubans and Spaniards. Furthermore, in 2021, seven of the largest Latina/o subgroups selected multiracial as their most common racial designation: Cubans, 65.7 percent; Spaniards, 62.7 percent; Venezuelans, 55.8 percent; Columbians, 53.2 percent; Peruvians, 44.8 percent; Puerto Ricans, 44.7 percent; and Mexicans, 43.2 percent. The other five groups most commonly selected the Some Other Race category as their race: Salvadorans, 53.4 percent; Guatemalans, 52.0 percent; Dominicans, 49.9 percent; Ecuadorians, 48.9 percent; and Hondurans, 46.4 percent. As was the case with the white racial category, all groups selected Black less frequently in 2021 than in 2019, with only Dominicans (5.9%) and Puerto Ricans (5.7%) choosing it by more than 5 percent of their members. It is the case that the racial designation of Latina/os has undergone a major shift. Finally, despite most of the Latina/o subgroups having indigenous roots, relatively few identified racially as American Indian and Alaska Native with only three groups having more than 2 percent of their members choosing this racial category in 2021 (Guatemalan, 5.9%; Mexican, 2.8%; and Salvadoran, 2.3%; for the precarious nature of indigenous identity of Latina/os, see Pulido 2018). To reiterate, these changes are most likely to reflect the change in the design of the question and the processing of the responses rather than actual significant shifts in racial identity.
Figure 1.1 Percentage Racial Distribution of Latina/os by Year
Source: Data from 2010 and 2020 Census and 2019 and 2021 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates Public-Use File (Ruggles et al. 2024).
Yet, racial identification among Latina/os generally varies by nativity (i.e. place of birth) with the distinction being people born in the US and those born outside of the US and immigrating here. For example, ACS data for 2021 show that across all twelve Latina/o subgroups, those born in the US were more likely to identify as white and as Black compared to those born outside of the nation (Table 1.2). In contrast, foreign-born individuals were more likely to choose the Some Other Race category, with the exception being Spaniards. This may suggest that Latina/os born outside of the US may be less likely than their US-born counterparts to find a racial category among the available list of options with which they can identify. There were fewer differences along the lines of nativity for the selection of the American Indian and Alaska Native and multiracial categories. Overall, in examining the most popular racial category for nativity groups across Latina/o subgroups, there are some general patterns. First, both foreign- and native-born persons preferred the multiracial category, particularly among Cubans, Colombians, Spaniards, and Venezuelans. Second, both nativity groups opted the most for the Some Other Race category among Salvadorans, Dominicans, Guatemalans, Hondurans, and Ecuadorians. Finally, foreign-born persons preferred the Some Other Race category, while Mexican, Puerto Rican, and Peruvian native-born individuals preferred the multiracial category.
Table 1.1 Percentage of Latina/os in Twelve Largest Latina/o Groups Choosing Selected Race Categories, 2019 and 2021
a The Some Other Race category does not include the Asian and Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander race categories.
Source: Data from 2019 and 2021 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates Public-Use Files (Ruggles et al. 2024).
It is important to note, however, that as the US Census Bureau prepares for the upcoming 2030 census, there is an initiative within the OMB to continue discussions that failed to materialize into changes in the racial designations leading to the 2020 census. One of these possible changes involves Latina/os. While Latina/os have been considered an ethnic group based on an ethnic identification of Latina/o and Hispanic alongside any racial category, there is now the discussion on Latina/os becoming a racial category. There is much debate with some proponents of the change arguing that it will clarify the confusion among many Latina/os concerning a racial identification, after they have already classified themselves as Latina/o or Hispanic in the census questionnaire, while opponents contend that mixed-race Latina/os, predominantly Afro-Latina/os, may opt for a single category, resulting in their elimination from the Latina/o or Black racial category (see López and Hogan 2021).
Table 1.2 Percentage of Latina/os in Twelve Largest Latina/o Groups Choosing Selected Race Categories by Nativity, 2021
a The Some Other Race category does not include the Asian and Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander race categories.
b FB refers to foreign-born and NB to native-born.
Source: Data from 2021 American Community Survey 1-Year Estimates Public-Use File (Ruggles et al. 2024).
Thus, the varying groups that constitute the Latina/o population differ greatly on a wide variety of characteristics, including how they are viewed and how they perceive themselves racially in the US. Despite this great diversity within the Latina/o population, as noted earlier, many Americans continue to view members of this population as a homogeneous group with only shallow roots in the US. This book will examine the varying groups that constitute the Latina/o population as well as how they vary across different social, economic, political, and demographic dimensions. Finally, the book will engage readers through our highlighting of many of the major issues that Latina/os face and the trends they experience in the various aspects of their lives. Indeed, there are many critical concerns that affect the lives of Latina/os today that will ultimately impact the kind of future that they experience in this country.
The Larger Context: Historical and Contemporary Latina/o Boundaries
We started off this chapter with a quote from journalist Stephania Taladrid on the long history of Latina/os in the US and the continued inequality and neglect that they face as minoritized people. This is very much in line with the framing of the Latina/o people and their experience in this country. However, we call attention here to new frameworks that address difficult questions in the field regarding the concept of settler colonialism and the experience of Latina/os in subjugating indigenous people. We also provide a discussion on the boundaries that place some people firmly in the Latina/o category as well as contested boundaries that seek to include or exclude other people as Latina/o, and still other prescriptive boundaries that eliminate “neighboring” or “related” people, such as Brazilians, Filipinos, and Haitians, who are excluded because of not speaking Spanish or the color of their skin (see below).
Scholars have paid increasing attention to the concept of settler colonization, which involves settler states, such as Australia, Canada, Israel, and the US. Pulido (2018) notes that “[r]ather than seeking to control land, resources, and labor, settler colonization eliminated native peoples in order to appropriate their land” (p. 309). As Pulido (2018) has noted, while work on settler colonization has traditionally focused on white settlers, more recently there has been attention to the role of people of color in colonizing indigenous people. Pulido (2018), in particular, has called attention to the lack of engagement of scholars in Chicana/o Studies regarding the role that Chicana/os have played in subjugating indigenous people. She argues that part of this neglect has been due to their conceptualization of Chicana/os as a colonized and conquered people. Pulido (2018) suggests that “[r]ecognizing ethnic-Mexicans’ role in settler colonization is threatening because it would force Chicana/o studies to recognize multiple subjectivities, which, in turn, would require rethinking the dominant narrative. She also reminds us that while Chicana/o activists in the Chicana/o Movement of the 1960s and 1970s celebrated Aztlán, the mythical homeland of Aztecs in today’s US southwest, as a galvanizing force, at the same time they ignored the conquest of Aztecs over other indigenous people in Mexico. Pulido (2018) also suggests that another reason for the reluctance of Chicana/o Studies to engage in settler colonization is the “precarious nature of Chicana/o indigeneity” (p. 318). Despite the clear indigenous roots of many Chicana/os – and Latina/os, for that matter – in some respects the indigenous identity of many falls outside rules of tribal membership and ancestry, credentials that they do not possess.
This context of settler colonization involving Chicana/os and, more broadly, Latina/os is important for understanding the historical and contemporary context of the Latina/o people and their experiences. The ancestors of many of these individuals have been not only minoritized people, but also people who have played a role in the colonization and subjugation of indigenous people. This is important in also understanding variations in who is a Latina/o person in the US. One group of individuals are readily accepted as Latina/os: persons who identify as Latina/o and are generally seen by people in the ethnic community as being Latina/o. A second group consists of individuals who may not be truly accepted as Latina/os due to particular views that some Latina/o in-group members may hold regarding who is a Latina/o. For example, persons who were born in Spain and their descendants are not readily viewed as Hispanic or Latina/o by some in-group members because of the colonization of Spain over Latin American and Caribbean countries (Kang and Torres-Saillant 2010) and, in fact, some Spaniards and their descendants may not see themselves as Latina/o because they were not born in Latin America and the Caribbean (Benavides 2020; Soto-Márquez 2019). Despite this ambiguity, Spaniards and their descendants are defined as Hispanic or Latino by the OMB and the US Census Bureau (Kang and Torres-Saillant 2010). In addition, Afro-Latinos have for long not been embraced as Latina/o by certain segments of the Latina/o population (Dzidzienyo and Oboler 2005; Haywood 2017; T.K. Hernández 2022). Afro-Latina/os often report that they are commonly not fully accepted by African Americans, who do not accept them because they speak Spanish, and by Latina/os, who do not accept them because of the color of their skin (Gosin 2017; Howard 2018). Moreover, we can also think of other multiracial Latina/o persons who may experience a feeling of rejection because of their physical features (not looking Latina/o enough), non-Hispanic surnames, and the language that they speak (English, indigenous languages, and other non-Spanish languages). This is a growing population, with the number of Latina/os who are intermarried to non-Latina/os tripling between 1970 and 2000 (Rosenfeld and Kim 2005; Vasquez 2014). In 2015, the most common combination of intermarried spouses featured a Latina/o and a white spouse, accounted for 42 percent of all intermarried couples in the nation (Bialik 2017). There will be increasing numbers of children of intermarried parents that involve one Latina/o parent. Finally, there is another group of individuals who have a geographic or cultural affinity to Latina/os but certain rules exclude them from being Latina/o. In this regard, Black skin color and non-Spanish language generally keep out Belizeans, Brazilians, Filipinos, Haitians, and other groups tracing their ancestry to Latin American and the Caribbean from being part of the Latina/o population. Despite the important recognition that race and ethnicity are social constructions, they continue to play an important role in Latina/o membership boundaries today.
Changes from the First Edition of the Book
A lot has changed over the course of the completion of the first edition of this book and this updated version. Shortly after the first edition of the book, Donald Trump announced that he was running for US president, while verbally assailing Mexicans as criminals, rapists, and drug pushers. He would go on to win the presidential election with his disdain toward Mexicans and other people of color becoming more vicious and his policies hurtful to people of color overall. Trump’s policies toward
