Lives of the early Medici - Illustrated Edition E-Book

Janet Ross

• Herausgeber: epubli
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 666

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2024

Beschreibung

Many a book has been written about the Medici; yet how little has been said about the private lives of the founders of that wonderful family which rose from prosperous middle-class condition to take its place among the sovereign houses of Europe, to seat its daughters on the throne of the Queen-consorts of France, and its sons on the Chair of St. Peter? Their rival capitalists north of the Alps climbed high in those days when the gulf was dug deep between nobles and all who were below them in the social scale.

Leseprobe

LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI

“It has ever been a hobby of mine, though perhaps it is a truism, not a hobby, that the true life of a man is in his letters.... Not only for the interest of a biography, but for arriving at the inside of things the publication of letters is the true method. Biographers varnish, they assign motives, they conjecture feelings, they interpret Lord Burleigh’s nods, but contemporary letters are facts.”—Dr. Newman to his Sister, Mrs. John Mozley, May 18, 1863.

LORENZO DI PIERO DE MEDICI.

From a picture at Poggio a Caiano.

LIVES OFTHE EARLY MEDICI AS TOLD IN THEIR CORRESPONDENCE TRANSLATED & EDITED BYJANET ROSS

LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI

PREFACE

LETTERS OF THE EARLY MEDICI

INTRODUCTORY

COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI

PIERO DI COSIMO DE’ MEDICI

LORENZO DI PIERO DE’ MEDICI

INDEX

PREFACE

Many a book has been written about the Medici; yet how little has been said about the private lives of the founders of that wonderful family which rose from prosperous middle-class condition to take its place among the sovereign houses of Europe, to seat its daughters on the throne of the Queen-consorts of France, and its sons on the Chair of St. Peter? Their rival capitalists north of the Alps climbed high in those days when the gulf was dug deep between nobles and all who were below them in the social scale. The Fuggers made many alliances with the German and Bohemian nobles, and the Welsers had the unheard-of glory of mating one of their daughters with the Emperor of Germany; does not the Philipine-Welser Strasse in Augsburg commemorate to this day the renown of the match? But neither had the fortune to found a dynasty as did the Medici. They are so inseparably connected with the history of their native city that the biographies have insensibly become sketches of Florentine, even of European history. The men and women have disappeared, and we see instead the dexterous manipulators of tortuous Italian diplomacy, or the splendid patrons of art and literature during the best period of the Renaissance. Yet, in our day, we sometimes like to turn aside from the stage life to learn about the vie intime of personages who have become historical. We are curious about their doings within the home circle, about their private loves and hates, whether they were good or bad husbands and wives, parents and children. The simpler human interests attract us.

This book attempts to supply such details. It is founded on letters, for the most part private, of Medici men, women, and children, and their friends, written during those decades when the family was being moulded for the great European destiny which lay hidden in the future before it. In these old-world epistles Contessina artlessly displays her household economies, Lucrezia reveals her fondness for bathing, Clarice quarrels with no less a tutor than the celebrated Poliziano about the lessons he gave to her children, and the child Piero tells his father how he has studied hard, even writing in Latin, “in order to give a more literary tone to my letters,” and proudly and persistently demands the pony promised as a reward for diligence.

The materials have been gathered from many a quarter. Angelo Fabroni’s ponderous tomes, Magni Cosmi Medicei Vita and Laurentii Medicis Magnifici Vita; the Histories of Florence by Giovanni Cavalcanti, Giovanni Cambi, and Niccolὸ Machiavelli; rare pamphlets, published in small editions of twenty-five or a hundred copies, by Italian men of letters in honour of the marriage of some friend, which are a mine of wealth; and last, but not least, the Florentine Archives. Most of the letters from the Archivio Medicei ante Principato have never been published before, much less translated; others are given here in full, which have hitherto seen the light only in very fragmentary form. The volume can therefore claim to contain a great deal of thoroughly original matter. In them it will be seen that well-born or important men and women were addressed as Your Magnificence, and written to and spoken of as The Magnificent. It was, therefore, no special title bestowed on Lorenzo de’ Medici, but suiting so well with his character and whole personality it has become, as it were, his property.

My best thanks are due to Cavaliere Angelo Bruschi, librarian of the Marucelliana Library in Florence, without whose valid assistance and advice I should have had great difficulty in collecting the letters; to Dr. Dorini of the Florentine Archives, whose aid was invaluable in helping me to decipher the almost illegible manuscripts; and to Signor Gugliemo Volpi, several of whose pamphlets and articles are quoted. I must also thank the Baroness Mollinary of Como for so kindly having photographed for me her most interesting early portrait of Lorenzo the Magnificent, never before published; and Dr. Giovanni Poggi, director of the Bargello in Florence, for giving me the photograph of Lorenzo’s portrait at Poggio a Caiano. The Baroness Mollinary’s picture is one of the many that belonged to her ancestor Paolo Giovio, and bears a strong resemblance to the fine miniature of Lorenzo, the property of M. Prosper Villon, reproduced in Le Musée de Portraits de Paul Jove by M. Eugène Muntz, in which, however, Lorenzo looks rather older. Both show the same humorous, kindly face, with a strong mouth, determined jaw, and fine eyes. In the miniature the head and shoulders are against and under a baldaquin, on each side of which is a small bit of landscape. Below is inscribed Laur M P P and the Medici arms (with six balls), surmounted by Lorenzo’s device, three ostrich feathers, white, green, and red (faith, hope, and charity), while a floating ribbon behind bears his motto Semper. The portrait at Poggio a Caiano is perhaps by Alessandro Allori, therefore of course not contemporary; it may be a copy of an older and lost picture. I must also express my great gratitude to the Rev. Principal Lindsay of Glasgow for kind help and criticism during the progress of my work.

The portrait of Piero de’ Medici in the chapel of the Riccardi palace, by Benozzo Gozzoli, has been given sometimes as that of his father Cosimo, or even of his son Lorenzo. But if the bust by Mino da Fiesole, in the Bargello, represents Piero, then he is the man grasping his horse’s mane with one hand as he rides by the side of his father Cosimo, who, as we know, generally rode a mule.

JANET ROSS.

INTRODUCTORY

The ancestors given to the Medici are many, and their origin is not easy to trace amid the conflicting accounts of friends and foes. The latter declare they sprang from the very dregs of the people, and that a charcoal-burner in the Mugello was their progenitor, whose son was a doctor (medico). Their friends say they descend from Perseus, from a Roman consul, or even from an emperor. Others state that a brave knight, Averardo de’ Medici, came into Italy with Charlemagne and killed the fierce giant Mugello, who for years had kept Tuscany in bondage; while those who cling to the medico story, on account of the name, tell of a learned physician who saved the life of Charlemagne by applying cupping-glasses of his own invention. The well-known arms, six red balls on a field or, are accounted for in as many different ways. Doctors’ pills, cupping-glasses, apples from the gardens of the Hesperides, dents made by the giant’s mace on Averardo’s golden shield, and heads of enemies slain in battle by a valiant knight who killed eleven of his assailants, because the oldest shield of the Medici bore eleven balls.

According to genealogists the real progenitor of the Medici was a certain Giambuono. He appears to have been a priest, as is indicated in an ancient inscription on the wall of the church of the Assumption near S. Piero a Sieve in the Mugello. What is certain is that the family owned houses and towers in Florence in the twelfth century in the Piazza de’ Medici, afterwards called de’ Succhiellinai, near the church of S. Tommaso, which was in the Ghetto, now swept away. There a little inn, Del Porco, used to be pointed out as standing where once was the loggia of the family.

We have historical proof of the brothers Chiarissimo and Bonagiunta de’ Medici, descendants of Giambuono. Chiarissimo was a member of the council which made an alliance with the Sienese against Semifonte in the Val d’Elsa, when that strong castle was razed to the ground in 1201. Ardingo, a great-grandson of Bonagiunta, was the first of the family to hold high office in Florence. He became Prior of the city in 1291, Gonfalonier of Justice in 1296, and again in the following year. This proves decisively that the Medici were not of the old nobility, which had been excluded from all magisterial offices by a law passed in 1293, called the Ordinamenti della Giustizia, which Bonaini terms the Magna Charta of the Republic of Florence.[1] Ardingo’s brother Guccio, who was Gonfalonier in 1299, made himself so popular that when he died he was buried with great pomp in a sarcophagus of the fourth century, which stood outside the baptistery. Later it was removed into the cathedral, and in the eighteenth century was placed in the courtyard of Palazzo Riccardi (once Medici), where it still is. The cover, bearing the Medici arms and those of the Arte della Lana, or Guild of Wool, to which Guccio belonged, was made by order of the Priors at the time of his burial.

In 1314 another of the family, Averardo, was Gonfalonier of Justice, and one of his grandsons, Filigno di Conte de’ Medici, has left Ricordi, or Memoirs, written in 1373, which show how rich and influential the Medici had already become. The book, which still exists in the Florentine archives, was evidently once bound in vellum; the frontispiece is decorated with the Medici arms, six red balls on a field or, and the shield is surmounted by the head and paws of a black wolf rising out of what looks like the coronet of a modern Marquess.

Addressing his children he writes:

“In the name of God and of his blessed Mother Madonna Saint Mary, and of the whole Court of Paradise, who will I pray give us grace to act and to speak well.

“I, Filigno di Conte de’ Medici, seeing the late misfortunes of civil and foreign wars and the terrible mortality from the plague sent by our Lord God to this earth, which we fear he may send again as our neighbours have it, will write down the things I see which may be needful for you who remain or who come after me, so that you can find them if need be for any emergency. I pray you to write well in the future and to preserve those lands and houses which you will find inscribed in this book; most of them were bought by the noble knight Messer Giovanni di Conte, my brother of honoured memory, after whose death I began to write this book, taking from his records and from those of others. I beg you will take care of it and keep it in a secret place so that it may not fall into other hands, also because it may be necessary to you in the future as it is now to us, who have to find papers of one hundred years ago, for reasons which you will find written, because States change and have no durability.

“Also I beg of you to preserve not only the riches but the position attained by our ancestors, which is considerable but ought to be higher. It begins to decline on account of a dearth of capable men, of whom we once had many.

“Such was our greatness that it used to be said, ‘Thou art like one of the Medici,’ and every man feared us; even now when a citizen does an injury to another or abuses him, they say, ‘If he did thus to a Medici what would happen?’ Our family is still powerful in the State by reason of many friends and much riches, please God preserve it all to us. And to-day, thank God, we number about fifty men.

“Since I was born about one hundred of our men have died; there are but few families and we are badly off for children, that is to say there are few. I write this book in several parts. First I shall note certain facts which are useful to know, then the dowers and as many papers as I can collect, the bills of sale and such like, then all the purchases and who drew up the deeds, and then all the houses and lands we possess....”

Page 84 is interesting as showing where the houses of the Medici stood in Florence, and also that Cafaggiuolo belonged to them in early times.

“In the name of God amen.

“Here I inscribe all our lands and their boundaries and where they are situated, and the houses in Florence, and what possessions came to us from Conte our father in the division made between the brothers (that is the late Conte, Messer Jacopo, Messer Giovenco the knight, Talento, Francesco and Chiarissimo) of the inheritance of their father Averardo, those bought by Conte and also those bought by Messer Giovanni di Conte, knight, together with myself Filigno, and Jacopo and Michele, our brothers, during their life. To-day I begin to write and to cause Michele my son also to write on account of the fatigue, and of not being a good penman. God grant we do well.—1373, in February.

“A house with shops in front in the parish of S. Tommaso in the Mercato Vecchio in Florence; the first side fronts the street or rather the Mercato Vecchio, the second boundary is ours, the third is the street wherein stands S. Tommaso, the fourth is Talento di Chiarissimo de’ Medici and ourselves. Adjoining this house are two others, three smaller ones and several shops.... Also a palace with a courtyard, an orchard and a well, in the parish of S. Lorenzo of Florence, in Via Larga di S. Marco. The confines are first the said street; secondly the sons of Tantini with a common wall between us, saving that what is above their roof belongs to us and to Baglo di Dante, with the wall of our courtyard below; the third is the inn of the Cock, now the property of Niccolò di Cristofano di Geri Gazza, &c.; the fourth is the palace of Andrea Franceschi and Francesco di Biccio de’ Medici. A house is annexed to this palace....

“In the name of God amen. Possessions in Mugello.

“The half of a palace with houses around it, a courtyard, a loggia and a wall and moat, with an orchard outside in Cafaggiuolo in the parish of S. Giovanni in Petroio, with the sixth part of the interior courtyard, and the old walls, and all other things pertaining thereto that are in the division. The broad road is to be 7 feet 8 inches wide round the old enclosure of Cafaggiuolo, so that the sons of Messer Giovenco cannot prevent us from using the road in front of the palace and by their wall, as far as the bridge. The moat round Cafaggiuolo is entirely ours as it touches our walls.”[2]

A cousin of Filigno, Salvestro de’ Medici, led the Florentine troops against Giovanni Visconti, Archbishop and Lord of Milan, and was knighted on the battlefield of Scarperia. Gonfalonier of Justice in 1370, when Florence was distracted by the rivalry of the Guelphs and Ghibellines, he, being a Ghibelline, took the side of the people against the nobles, and advocated enforcing the enactments of the Ordinamenti della Giustizia, which excluded the nobles from power. But for the moment he failed, and was nigh being exiled when his name was again drawn from the borsa, or ballot-bag, as Gonfalonier in 1378. Once more he proposed to apply the law against the Guelph nobles, and meeting with opposition, threatened to resign. One of his friends then appealed to the populace, and the result was the Ciompi riot. The mob broke into the Palazzo de’ Priori and the Palazzo del Podestà, burnt many palaces, and knighted sixty-four citizens in the Piazza della Signoria, of whom Salvestro was the first.

His popularity is shown by a sonnet addressed to him by Franco Sacchetti, author of many tales, who rather profanely calls him “non gia Salvestro, ma Salvator mundi.” Salvestro was, however, a canny burgher and made some profit out of the revolution, as the rents of the shops on the Ponte Vecchio were assigned to him. Henceforward the Medici were looked upon as the friends and defenders of the people against the Grandi or nobles.

The founder of the line of citizens who ruled Florence like princes was Giovanni d’Averardo, surnamed Bicci, de’ Medici, born in 1360. He was several times a Prior, and in 1421 Gonfalonier of Justice. During the Councils of Basel and Constance he made a fortune in exchange, and being charitable was much beloved by the people. His popularity increased when, against his advice, the nobles insisted on advancing to meet the Duke of Milan instead of waiting for him to attack them in Tuscany, with the result that at Zagonara the Florentines were beaten. The expenses of the war exhausted the treasury, and disturbances broke out in Florence. The nobles, fearing a repetition of the Ciompi riots, attempted to form a government of Ottimati, as the party of the oligarchy were called, and thus undermine the power of the minor guilds. Some even suggested seizing the property of charitable confraternities in order to obtain money. Giovanni de’ Medici was consulted, and declared he would have nothing to do with such robbery. A few years later he successfully advocated the abolition of the odious system of forced loans, and the institution of the catasto, which regulated all the taxes to be paid to the Commune of Florence. He then became the idol of the people. Cavalcanti writes that when he lay dying on 20th February 1429, “he called his sons Cosimo and Lorenzo, and in the presence of their mother, Piccarda Bueri, of their wives, and of other citizens, spoke to them thus: ‘Beloved sons, neither I nor any man born into this world should feel grief at exchanging worldly cares for perpetual repose. I know that the last days of my life are nigh, and where timid or foolish women or cowardly men would feel sorrow, I feel great joy. I leave you in possession of the great wealth which my good fortune has bestowed upon me, and which your good mother and my own hard work has enabled me to preserve. I leave you with a larger business than any other merchant in the Tuscan land, and in the enjoyment of the esteem of every good citizen and of the great mass of the populace, who have ever turned to our family as to their guiding star. If you are faithful to the traditions of your ancestors, the people will be generous in giving you honours. To achieve this, be charitable to the poor, kindly and gracious to the miserable, lending yourselves with all your might to assist them in their adversity. Never strive against the will of the people, unless they advocate a baneful project. Speak not as though giving advice, but rather discuss matters with gentle and kindly reasoning. Be chary of frequenting the Palace; rather wait to be summoned, and then be obedient, and not puffed up with pride at receiving many votes. Have a care to keep the people at peace, and to increase the commerce of the city. Avoid litigation or any attempt to influence justice, for whoso impedes justice will perish by justice. I leave you clear of any stain, for no evil deed has been committed by me. Thus I bequeath glory and not infamy to you as a heritage. I depart joyfully and with more happiness if you do not enter into party strife. Be careful not to attract public attention. I commend to you Nannina my wife and your mother, see that after my death ye change not the habits and customs of her life. Pray to God for me, my sons, that my passage may be crowned by the salvation of my immortal soul. Now take my blessing. Cosimo, see that Lorenzo be kindly and a good brother; and thou, Lorenzo, honour Cosimo as the elder.’ Saying this, he passed from this life.”[3]

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For an account of the Ordinamenti della Giustizia see I Primi Secoli della Storia di Firenze, chap. viii. Pasquale Villari, Firenze, 1893.

[2]Archivio Mediceo ante Principatum. Registro, Della famiglia de’ Medici.

[3]Istorie Fiorentine, Giovanni Cavalcanti, i. 262. Firenze, 1838.

COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI.

From the marble relief by Andrea Del Verrocchio (?) in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin.

COSIMO DI GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI

(1389-1464)

Of Giovanni di Bicci de’ Medici’s two sons, Cosimo was by far the most remarkable. “The father,” writes Gibbon, “of a line of princes, whose name and age are almost synonymous with the restoration of learning; his credit was ennobled into fame; his riches were dedicated to the service of mankind; he corresponded at once with Cairo and London, and a cargo of Indian spices and Greek books were often imported in the same vessel.” For even when most deeply engaged in political matters, Cosimo always found time to attend to his business, and himself conducted the correspondence with the heads of the banks which were known throughout Europe and in Asia. All had orders to buy ancient manuscripts and rare books. As a lad he served in the Pisan war, and in 1414 was sent by his father in the suite of Pope John XXIII. to represent the bank at the Council of Constance. After the flight of the Pope, Cosimo left Constance in disguise and returned to Florence, where he was elected a Prior of the city in 1415, and again in 1417.

Cosimo was forty when his father died in 1429. Ammirato describes him as of middle height, with an olive complexion, and of imposing presence. Machiavelli says that he applied himself so strenuously to increase the political power of his house that “those who had rejoiced at Giovanni’s death, now regretted it, perceiving what manner of man Cosimo was. Of consummate prudence, staid yet agreeable presence, Cosimo was liberal and humane. He never worked against his party nor against the State, was prompt in giving aid to all, and his liberality gained him many partisans among the citizens. Chief amongst those who helped to consolidate his power were Averardo de’ Medici and Puccio Pucci—Averardo by his audacity, Puccio by his prudence and sagacity, augmented his popularity and greatness. The advice and the sane judgment of Puccio were so highly esteemed and so well known by all that Cosimo’s party was not called by his name but by that of Puccio.”[4]

Much of Cosimo’s influence and popularity, no doubt, arose from his generosity to men of letters. When Niccolò de’ Niccoli, “censor of the Latin tongue,” ruined himself by buying books, Cosimo opened an unlimited credit for him at his bank. After Niccoli’s death he paid his debts on the condition of being allowed to dispose of the collection of manuscripts, amounting to six hundred volumes. Four hundred he gave to the library of S. Marco, the rest he kept or distributed among friends. Cosimo also provided Tommaso Parentucelli, Bishop of Bologna, with what money he needed; a service that was well repaid when the Bishop became Pope, and made him his banker. Parentucelli catalogued de’ Niccoli’s library, and noted for Cosimo the books that were necessary to complete it. This catalogue Vespasiano declared to be indispensable to all collectors of books. When the Badia of Fiesole, certainly designed, if not actually built by Brunelleschi at Cosimo’s expense, was finished, he summoned Vespasiano, who has recorded their conversation: “One day, when I was in his room, he said to me, ‘What plan can you suggest for the formation of this library?’ I answered that to buy the books would be impossible, since they could not be purchased. ‘What, then, do you propose?’ he added. I told him they must be copied. He then asked me if I would undertake the business, and I replied that I was willing. He bade me begin at my leisure, saying that he left all to me, and he ordered that for the money needed day by day Don Arcangelo, at that time Prior of the monastery, should draw cheques upon his bank which would be honoured. After beginning the collection, since it was his will that it should be finished with all speed possible, and money was not lacking, I soon engaged forty-five copyists, and in twenty-two months provided two hundred volumes, following the admirable list furnished by Pope Nicholas V.”[5]

Cristofano Landino, Lionardo Aretino (Bruni), whose translations from the Greek were celebrated for their pure latinity, while his speeches were compared to those of Pericles, and Carlo Aretino (Marsuppini), were friends of Cosimo, and members of the Platonic Academy. They often met in the Badia, and Pico della Mirandola, on whom, says Poliziano, “nature seems to have showered all her gifts,” passed some time there in study. In the cell of Ambrogio Traversari in the convent degl’ Angeli at Fiesole, Cosimo was wont to pass his spare hours in the company of learned men. He was quick in recognising talent, and possessed the gift said to belong to royalty of suiting his conversation to his visitors. Vespasiano tells us that “when giving audience to a scholar he discoursed concerning letters; in the company of theologians he showed his acquaintance with theology, a branch of learning always studied by him with delight. So also with regard to philosophy. Astrologers found him well versed in their science, for he somewhat lent faith to astrology, and employed it on certain private occasions. Musicians in like manner perceived his mastery of music, wherein he much delighted. The same was true about sculpture and painting; both of these arts he understood completely, and showed great favour to all worthy craftsmen. In architecture he was a consummate judge, for without his opinion and advice no building was begun or carried to completion.”[6]

While spending money in a princely manner on works of art, public libraries and buildings, Cosimo lived as simply as any other citizen. Though for twenty-five years he was practically the ruler of Florence, he remained the merchant, the plain burgher, the agriculturist. His estates were in good order; he superintended the planting, and rose early to prune his vines. Gambling he detested; the only game he played, and that but rarely, was chess. Habitually taciturn, particularly in his later years, yet he could give witty and even sharp answers; as when one of his adherents, a loquacious, not very wise man, who, on being named Podestà of a foreign (i.e. not a Tuscan) town, asked him for advice. “Dress suitably and talk little,” was the answer. To another he said there was a weed that ought not to be watered but allowed to wither, and that weed was envy.

In Cosimo’s letters one sees how well his father’s last words, “Be careful not to attract public attention,” were obeyed by him. The pity is that even those who pass their lives poring over manuscripts in the Florentine archives find the greatest difficulty in deciphering his handwriting, and there are allusions to passing events or to people which are impossible to understand, as he uses the gergo, or slang, of his day, or nicknames, the meaning of which are lost to us. The date of his marriage with Contessina, daughter of Giovanni de’ Bardi, Count of Vernio, is not recorded, but her eldest son, Piero, was born in 1416. The little we know of her, chiefly from her letters, depict her as a good, rather parsimonious housewife and a tender mother. In 1427 Cosimo was at Ferrara, and she writes:

Contessina de’ Medicito her husbandCosimo de’ Mediciin Ferrara

This evening I have a letter from thee and have understood how much we are to pay for the barrels at Careggi; as soon as they arrive I will do as thou sayest. I have a letter from Antonio Martelli saying that he is sending nine bales of our linen cloth, which were at home, by now I think they must have arrived, give orders that they be put in a dry place so that the linen be not spoiled. At Careggi every one is well as usual and I am also well, may it please God that it be so in the future; one of our labourers it is true, who lives where the young partridges were, rather frightened us, but he is well again. I wrote to thee by Giovannino, so be not chary with ink and paper, so be it is not wearisome to thee. Ginevra and Pier Francesco[7] are in the Val d’Arno and Amerigo Cavalcanti is with them. They are all well as Giovannino will have told thee. Lorenzo[8] and I are here, both well. Shouldst thou want anything let me know. Above all be careful of thy health and keep a good watch on thyself. No more at present. May Christ preserve thee.—In Florence, March 4, 1427 (1428).

La Contessina who commends herself to thee.

Matteo gave me the little keys, if thou hast need of them tell me. Thy mother who put that Santelena[9] into the bag with the others thou hadst from here is much surprised that thou hast not found it, she remembers to a certainty putting it into the bag the first thing after thy departure. She wrote to-day and answered about this. Those who were in debt for their rents have paid to Piero d’Orlando according to Lorenzo’s orders.[10]

The following letter was written during the negotiations for peace with Visconti, Duke of Milan. Florence and Genoa had fared badly in the war. The former had been defeated over and over again, and the whole of the Western Riviera had been overrun by the Milanese troops. The interference of Venice had changed the state of affairs, and the Duke of Milan was desirous for peace. Averardo de’ Medici with Palla Strozzi were the ambassadors of Florence, and Cosimo discusses the difficulties attending the negotiation. The Florentines thought that Venice was too grasping, as she demanded Bergamo as well as Brescia; but the real crux of the problem was that the Duke of Milan held tenaciously to his conquests in the Riviera. Peace was finally concluded on April 28, 1428. The Cardinal di Santa Croce had been appointed by the Pope as arbiter between the parties. Part of the letter refers to Florentine internal politics, to which now we have no clue; we also see how these great Florentines mingled their private mercantile affairs with grave political matters.

Non ò tue lettere poi ti scrissi per una vostra de dì 29 currente viddi e dubj v’ erano in animo veduto le diferenze sono nella domanda et chome dite è da dubitare non tanto per le diferenze quanto perché si vede el ducha non viene schietto su questi ragionamenti, pure vorrei voi vi fossi ingiegnati sendire che diferenza è questa et maxime de fatti di Berghamo e che inporta et chosì quelle di Valchamonicha la quale a me pare picchola se altro non v’è aschosto et poi le chose sono ridotte qui non si vorebe per si picchola chosa tanto bene restasse et pero credo v’ingiegnerete a rottura non si vengha et chosì si vuole fare et vedere se di queste diferenze si potesse fare remissione nel chardinale chome de l’altre sarebe tanto magiore lo schorno se a rottura si venisse quanto per ognuno si tiene a certo pace deba seghuire fu qui jeri Franceschino da Macerata et secondo da lui ritrassi non pareva avesse nuova se di questo fatto si facesse questo dicho per tuo aviso che mi fa assai dubitare benchè jo creda pure che chostì di cò a dire chon el chardinale per suo interesso dovria farne ogni chosa posibile ✕ de fatti delli grani chome per altra ti dissi non te ne gravare troppo in confortare perchè n’aresti graveza et per ire chosì ci è chommodo Ser p. el chompare che altra volta non se ne faceva menzione e ora sta chosì forte et acordasi il chonpare e’lla chomare nonn è però che per questo si volgla laschare nulla adrieto nè qui anche si lascerebe ma stimasi sendo d’achordo de l’altre chose per questa sola non vorebe rimanesse et forse questo medesimo stima el chonpagno ora Idio ne lasci seghuire el meglio de fati de’ Bordoni che si mandi fiorini 24 per lane a le gienti di Lomb e chosì di nuovo mandi a quelli di Riviera e rimettonsi in punto tutti e chosì subito passato pasqua si manderà i resto in modo potranno scrivere e simile al marchese credo se si fosse fatto già è un mese sariano in migliore disposizione le chose non sono.

Di verso Gienova cì è la cho[sa] prospere sechondo usanza pure invero credo abino assai travaglo anno di nuovo perso uno chastello tra Gienova et Saona et chosì tutta quelle riviera di ponente è in arme et non v’è dubio se si facesse quello si potrebe quella terra se li leverebe ma meglo sarebe a non ne avere a fare prouva.

Ne piu per fretta ✕o ti ghuardi in Firenze a dì primo d’Aprile 1428.

Chosimo.[11]

Cosimo de’ Medici to Averardo de’ Medici, Ambassador to Ferrara

I have not had any letter from you since I wrote. By yours of the 29th I saw the doubt in your mind seeing the difference in the demand, and as you say there is reason for suspicion, not so much on account of the differences as because it is evident the Duke [of Milan] is not straightforward in this matter, so I wish you to try and discover what the difference is, especially about these affairs at Bergamo and what they mean, and also those of Valcamonica, which seem to me of small account unless there is something concealed. As matters stand here, one would not desire to move for so small a thing, and so I trust you will do your utmost to prevent a rupture; we shall do the like, and see whether it is not possible to refer these differences to the Cardinal [di Santa Croce] like the others. The shame would be great to fall out just when every one expects peace to be made. Franceschino of Macerata was here yesterday, and from what I could gather had not heard what was to be done in this affair; this I tell you for your guidance, as it seems to me very suspicious, although I think the Cardinal for his own interest will do all that is possible. About the wheat business, as I said in my last, do not overburden yourself, else you will have trouble; as it is, it has been a convenience. Ser P., the godfather,[12] of whom there was no mention last time, is now in a strong position, and godfather and godmother are united. This is, however, no reason for neglecting to take precautions, and we shall take them; but as we are agreed about other matters, we do not wish to draw back on this point alone, and perhaps our companion thinks the same. Now let God lead us on the right path. As to the affairs of Bordoni, let 24 florins be sent for the wool to the people of Lombardy, and send again to those of the Riviera, thus setting all in order; and directly after Easter the rest shall be sent, so that the same can be written to the Marquess. I think if this had been done a month ago, things would be in a better condition than they are now.

Towards Genoa things go on as usual, although I think they are hard pressed; they have again lost a castle between Genoa and Savona, so that all the western Riviera is under arms, and there is no doubt that were we to do what we could do the province would rebel, but it is better not to put it to the proof. I write no more, as I am pressed for time. Christ guard you.—In Florence on the 1st day of April 1428.

Cosimo.[13]

The letters written by Cosimo de’ Medici to his cousin Averardo de’ Medici, in October and November of 1430 and February of 1431, relate to the costly and disastrous war waged against Lucca, and require a few explanatory sentences.

The war was proposed to the Commune of Florence by the impetuous young leader of the aristocratic party in the city, and Cosimo, who after the death of his father Giovanni was the recognised head of the democracy, supported the proposals of his opponent and rival, Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi. The war was popular. The Florentines believed that they had secured the acquiescence of the Duke of Milan and of the Pope. All things seemed to favour them (letter of February). The plan of the Florentine generals in the field was to starve Lucca into surrender by seizing on the districts of Camaiore and Pietrasanta, whence the Lucchesi drew their supplies. The “Ten of the Balìa” or Florentine war committee countermanded this prudent plan of campaign and their troops could effect nothing against Lucca. The Lucchesi were hard pressed, however, and appealed to the Duke of Milan. He permitted Francesco Sforza to take service under Lucca, and that great general soon reduced the Florentines to extremities. In their need they resolved to bribe Sforza, and on receiving 50,000 florins he abandoned the Lucchesi. The “tyrant” of Lucca, Paolo Guinigi, was overthrown; the city became a Republic, and sued for peace. But Florence resolved to prosecute the war, and engaged Count Guido Antonio di Montefeltro, Lord of Urbino, as their general. Thereupon the Lucchesi again appealed to the Duke of Milan, who permitted Niccolò Piccinino and his troops to take service under Lucca. The continual interference of the “Ten” with their generals in the field resulted in one defeat after another. In these circumstances Cosimo wrote his October letter. He recognises that the conduct of the war by Florence had been disastrous; sees, when too late (for the Milanese troops prevented it), that Lucca ought to have been starved into surrender; and declares that the only way out of their difficulties is for Florence to induce Venice to attack Milan from the north. As the “Ten” from their gross mismanagement of the war had occurred great opprobrium in the city, and as there was little prospect of matters improving without aid from Venice, the astute Cosimo advises that none of his prominent friends shall stand as candidate for election to the Balìa. The letter of December relates to a proposed embassy to Venice to urge the great Republic to attack Milan.

The war went on for three years longer, and though we have no more comments of Cosimo on the matter its course may be indicated. Venice did at length yield to the prayers of the Tuscan Republic, and this brought her rival Genoa into the fray. At last all parties were weary of the strife and desired peace. The Marquesses Ettore of Este and Lodovico of Saluzzo were named arbiters. The Cardinal di Santa Croce again worked for harmony. A general peace was concluded on April 26, 1433, and its publication in Florence on May 10th was celebrated with all manner of popular rejoicings.

In the midst of these wars and intrigues it is pleasant to see the good Contessina careful only that her boys should be brought up in the old Florentine fashion and that her husband should be properly clad.

Cosimo evidently continued to “be chary with ink and paper,” at all events to his wife; as when he was again absent at Ferrara with their two sons, Contessina corresponded with Giovanni, the youngest, who was barely fourteen.

Contessina de’ Medicito her sonGiovanniat Ferrara

I wrote to thee a few days ago, so have but little to say. By a letter from Ser Alexo I gather you are all well, God be thanked. We are the same, thanks be to God. I hear that thou desirest to come home and dost not like the place. Thou shouldest be glad to be there, if only to be in the bank and to learn something. Besides it is not healthy here. Therefore, my son, I beg thee not to think of returning until the plague has ceased, and say the same to Piero. Let me know what clothes he has had made as I do not know what he wore when he left, and he has not asked me to send his coat lined with cloth. It has been very hot here for several days, and I suppose will have been the same there; so be careful and keep cool. I do not know why Cosimo has not told me to send his summer clothes, but I think he intends to return any day. Do thy best to please him in all things, and see that he wants for nothing; though they tell me he is quite fat, which is all that is needful. Commend me to madonna Dina and salute monna Ginevra and thank them from me; Ser Alano tells me they treat you both as though you were their brothers. I should also like much to know whether thou art working in the bank, thou or Piero, and whether Cosimo makes use of Piero. Mind and write this to me. I add no more. Christ guard thee.—At Castelluccio, 6th June 1430.

Thy Contessina.[14]

In the autumn of the same year Cosimo again left Florence, partly on account of the plague, but probably also on account of the bitter party strife in the city. He writes to his cousin from Verona and then from Ostiglia, where he heard the news of the defeat of the Florentine troops near Lucca.

Cosimo de’ MedicitoAverardo de’ Mediciat Pisa

During the last few days I have written thee several letters; this morning I received thine of the 18th and with it some letters received by thee from Florence; I have understood, &c. &c., and reply herewith.

I see thou hast been at Florence and understand thou hast to go there again; the death of Francesco di Tomaso is a great loss, but if the plague increases I advise thee not to think of business but of saving thy life.

The affairs of Lucca do not appear to turn out as we expected, which displeases me; and the money spent on Count Francesco [Sforza] was thrown away. Every one laughs at us because he could not remain on account of the plague, and only consumed the provisions of the people. It is clear that all that happened and is happening at Lucca has been done with the knowledge and by the orders of the Duke [of Milan], particularly as the principal fortresses are in his hands; it appears to me therefore that there is no hope of getting them by treaty or by any way save famine, and I suspect the Duke has known how to grasp fortune, and his troops being near, has provisioned Pietrasanta. The war will thus last longer than we wished, and all because we would not when we could. May God forgive those who are the cause. If some of the present Signori had not enough sense to be of the Ten of the Balia, instead of ten they should be made nine ... as I already told thee. It does not seem to me advisable to be one of the Ten of the Balia this time, partly to let others have their turn, partly because, on account of party divisions, I do not think the affairs of our city can prosper; things will go as they did before or even worse on account of events in Lombardy, for if the enemy is not attacked from there, it is useless to expect help from here. I am therefore writing to the Gonfalonier and to Antonio di Ser Tomaso to beg that neither Lorenzo[15] nor I should be nominated, and I advise thee to do the same. There are Messer Niccolò Valori and Luca di Messer Maso who would do well and be pleased.

In my last I told thee that Lorenzo and the children were going to Venice, as there are some cases of plague here; now they are gone. If it continues I suppose we must also leave.... No more at present. Christ guard thee.—Verona, 21st October 1430.[16]

Cosimo de’ MedicitoAverardo de’ Medici

I arrived here late this evening and found thy letter of the 4th telling me about the affairs of Lucca; right glad was I to get it, as yesterday on the road to Venice I heard far worse news. God be thanked. We certainly seem to have shown but little prudence; we will talk of this when we meet. Our people ought to hear what is said of us and how little we are esteemed; if we go on thus we shall be treated like Jews. I just hear that I have been elected ambassador together with Francesco Tornabuoni, and have understood about future movements. I was on the point of coming back on account of our own affairs and also about this nomination, of which I have only now been told, for it will be most inconvenient if I have to go, on account of our private affairs and also because I am not properly prepared, being away from home. I have therefore determined to come back at once and try to be exonerated. I think our friends will be willing to serve us if thou bestirrest thyself. Thou writest as though my going was certain, so perhaps I shall receive orders and have to start without returning home, which would be most awkward. If it be so tell Bernardo de’ Medici to send me those suits which are at home, for as thou knowest we are in mourning and I have no clothes with me; also I shall have to provide myself with attendants and horses, I have but seven, and must have twelve at least. I write this, not because I have made up my mind to go, for this journey would be most irksome, but because if it is absolutely necessary I must go in a manner befitting the honour of the Commune.... No more. Christ guard thee.—In Ostilia [near Rimini] on the 10th day of December 1430.

P.S.—I intend taking the road by Ravenna and Faenza.[17]

Cosimo did not go, and Francesco Tornabuoni was sent alone to Venice.

Cosimo de’ Mediciat Florence toAverardo de’ Mediciat Pisa

I wrote to thee the other day by Pietro Chaetano, and have had no letter from thee since. This will be given to thee by Battista of Verrazano, who was it seems once employed in thy office, and is, I am told, a worthy man: he asks me to recommend him to thee, and I do so.

About the affairs of Lucca I say nothing, because where thou art thou wilt hear them sooner than I. There are those who, hoping to see injury and infamy inflicted on others, would inflict injury and infamy on the Commune, and try with all their might to bring this about; which shows an evil nature. Nevertheless I think this enterprise is generally popular, and seeing things have gone so far as to implicate the honour of the Commune, every one ought to favour it as much as possible; and this I am doing here, and advise thee, although I know there is no need, to act likewise.

Letters have come from the Duke displaying great affection for this Commune and promising every help in this affair. There are also letters from our ambassador at Rome, saying that the Pope and all the Cardinals are of the same mind, so it appears to me that they are abandoned by all, and if they are wise will submit.

From Lorenzo[18] I have a letter of the 80th, and by what he says he must now have left Venice for Milan together with Messer Andrea Contarini. They have hopes of doing good business during this year, particularly as I understand the Duke is in need. Thou shalt hear as soon as I know anything.

I hear thou hast had a few cases of plague, which grieves me: here also in the last two or three days there have been some cases, which makes one fear it may increase. The loss and damage to the city will be great. I have been thinking where to go, and as far as I can learn there are three places, either Arezzo in thy house near Anghiari, Bologna or Modena, or some distance into the Venetian territory, where it appears to be perfectly healthy. It does not seem to me wise to come there [Pisa] or to go near Siena or Perugia, for they are all suspect, as is the Romagna and the Malatesta district, where also they are preparing for war. As I said it is a serious matter, and I should like to have thy advice. No more at present. Christ guard thee.—February 1430 (1431).[19]

In April 1433 the war with Lucca came to an end, leaving things very much as they were before, and the bitter hatred between Cosimo de’ Medici and Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi grew in intensity. The nobles accused Cosimo of using his riches to buy popularity, and he withdrew almost entirely from public life and retired to Cafaggiuolo, his fortress-villa in the Mugello. What followed is best told in his own words, translated from his diary.

On the election of the new Signory (September 1433) it was rumoured that during their rule great changes were to be made. News was sent to me in the Mugello, where I had been for some months in order to escape from the contests and divisions in the city, that my presence was necessary. So on the 4th of September I returned, and on the same day visited the Gonfalonier and the others, as well as Giovanni dello Scelto who I thought was my friend, and who was under obligations to me, as were also the others. When I told them what I had heard, they denied it, and told me to be of good cheer, as they hoped to leave the city in the same condition as they found it when their time was up. On the 5th they called a council of eight citizens, saying they desired their advice on certain matters. They were Messer Giovanni Guicciardini, Bartolommeo Ridolfi, Ridolfo Peruzzi, Tommaso di Lapo Corsi, Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, Giovanni di Messer Rinaldo Gianfigliazzi, Messer Rinaldo degl’ Albizzi, and myself, Cosimo. So although, as has been said, it was reported that a revolution was imminent, yet, having their assurances and believing them to be my friends, I did not credit it. On the morning of the 7th, under colour of the said council, they sent for me; and when I arrived at the Palace I found most of my companions and we talked together. After some time I was told by order of the Signory to go upstairs, and by the captain of the infantry I was put into a room called the Barbaria,[20] and locked in. On hearing this the whole city rose. During the day a council was held by the citizens who had been summoned, and the Gonfalonier told them I had been detained for a good reason, which would be explained another time, and that the Signory desired no advice on this point, and so dismissed them. And the Signori banished me to Padua for a year. This decision was at once made known to my brother Lorenzo, who was in the Mugello, and to Averardo, my cousin, who was at Pisa. The news was also sent to Niccolò da Tolentino, captain of the Commune, who was my good friend. Lorenzo came to Florence that same day, and the Signori sent for him, but he being warned why they wanted him, left at once, and returned to Trebbio.[21] Averardo also left Pisa in haste, as they had given orders to seize him. Had they taken us all three, we should have been in evil plight. Niccolò da Tolentino, on hearing the news, came to Lastra with his company, intending to raise the city, so that I might be released. At the same time, when it was known in the mountains of the Romagna and in other places, great numbers of foot-soldiers went to Lorenzo. But the captain and Lorenzo were advised not to make a disturbance, or evil might befall me, so they desisted. Although this advice was given by relations and friends, and in all sincerity, yet it was not good, for had they advanced at once I should have been free, and he who was the cause of all would have been undone. We may, however, say that all was for the best, as in the end good came of it, and more honour to me, as I shall relate hereafter. My friends being averse, as I have said, to create any disturbance, the captain returned to his quarters, pretending that he had come for another reason, and Lorenzo went to Venice with my sons, taking with him all he could of money and small valuables. And the Signori banished Lorenzo to Venice for a year, myself to Padua for five years, and Averardo to Naples for five years. Then on the 9th the bell was rung for a parliament, and those who had been the cause of all assembled on the Piazza with much infantry. Twenty-three citizens were also summoned, verily a small number, and but few of the people were present, because in truth the mass of the citizens were ill-pleased.

The Oration of Cosimo de’ Medici to the Signorywhen sentence of exile was pronounced against him.[22]

If I thought that this my misfortune and terrible ruin might serve to bring peace to this blessed people, not only would exile be acceptable, but I should even welcome death, if I were sure that my descendants, O Signori, might pride themselves on my having been the cause of the wished-for union of your Republic. As you have decided that I am to go to Padua, I declare that I am content to go, and to stay wherever you command, not only in the Trevisian State, but should you send me to live amongst the Arabs, or any other people alien to our customs, I would go most willingly; and if your Lordships command me to discover the origin of the ill, as a beloved son is bound to obey his father’s wishes and a good servant the orders of his master, so would I obey you for the peace of your people. One thing I beg of you, O Signori, that seeing you intend to preserve my life, you take care that it should not be taken by wicked citizens, and thus you be put to shame. I do not so much fear the pain of death as the abominable infamy of undeserved assassination, for a violent death is the manifest sign and outcome of a bad life, and I have not led the life of a villain, but of an honest and good merchant. Even if I have not been faultless, I have always tried to merit the love of good men, because my actions were good. As, however, disaster comes to me by your orders, I accept it as a boon, and as a benefit to me and to my belongings. Have a care, O Signori, that those should not have their way who are in the Piazza with arms in their hands and anxiously desire my blood, without regard for my innocence. My pain would be small, because such a death being over in a short time cannot be very painful or hard to bear; nothing is so brief as death. But you would earn perpetual infamy by having made me a promise which was broken by villainous citizens: infamy is worse than an innocent death. If I go to the Trevisian State, I leave my heart and my soul with you, and shall only be happy when I can do something for the good of your people, as I pray you and every good citizen to do. Every trouble will be easy to bear as long as I know that my adversity will bring peace and happiness to the city. I know, and this is no small comfort to me, that I never permitted wrong to be done to any one. I never frequented the Palace[23] save when I was summoned; I never roused hatred of the Republic amongst your subalterns, because I never ill-treated them; I always declined to be nominated an official, which is often prejudicial to the body and hurtful to the soul; with no small pride I affirm that none can say my ill-behaviour ever caused a city to rebel or to be taken from you; on the contrary, our money bought several: ask your soldiers how many times they were paid by me for the Commune with my own money, to be returned to me when convenient to the Commune. Never have I been found wanting when the Commune could be enlarged, and although I am exiled, I shall ever be ready at the call of this people. In conclusion, O Signori, I pray God to keep you in his grace and in happiness in this fortunate Republic, and to give me patience to bear my unhappy life.

Balìa was given by the parliament to certain citizens and I was banished to Padua for ten years, Lorenzo to Venice for five, Averardo to Naples for ten, Orlando de’ Medici to Ancona for ten years, and Giovanni di Andrea di Messer Alamanno and Bernardo d’Alamanno de’ Medici to Rimini. My branch of the family were created Grandi (i.e. incapable of holding any magisterial office), with the exception of the sons of Messer Vieri, and the sons of Antonio di Giovenco de’ Medici, because Bernardetto was much beloved by the Captain of War, and in deference to the Captain, Averardo and his brothers were passed over. We were more rigorously dealt with, particularly in that I was forbidden to sell any possessions or to touch my money in the Monte, and I was kept in the Palace until the 3rd day of October.

When this was known in Venice three ambassadors were sent here, who left no means untried to procure my liberation, offering to keep me in Venice, and promising that I would do nothing against the Signory, and would obey all orders. Though they could not obtain my freedom yet their advent was most useful, for there were those who desired my death, and they secured a promise that no harm should be done to my person. In like manner the Marquess of Ferrara sent orders to the Captain of the Balìa, who was Messer Lodovico del Ronco of Modena, a subject of his, that if I were put in his hands he was to treat me as though I were Messer Lionardo his son, and that if he fled with me he was to fear nothing.

They kept me, as has been said, until the 3rd of