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Globalization is not new, nor is it a policy, it's a process that has existed as long as man looked over the horizon, travelled and traded. It can't be stopped but it can be slowed. It came to a grinding halt in August 1914 and the Marxist detour cost millions of lives and lost three generations their opportunity and hope in many countries. More wealth has been created in the past 60 years than in all of history. After the most successful decade of sustained economic growth in history, this progress is threatened. Extreme inequality, corruption and environmental degradation threaten the stability and legitimacy of many developing countries' regimes. Anti-globalization and anti-capitalist campaigners' confidence has been emboldened due to the present economic crisis. Protectionist rhetoric is growing as are the arguments to control and regulate markets. Leaders are meeting to discuss how to face these problems and create a new international architecture. How did we get to this position? What should we do? What is it that determines why some contemporary states are successful while others have failed? Saving Globalization departs from its analysis of the globalised economy in the twenty-first century to answer these question by tracing the development of what Moore considers to be 'the big ideas of history': democracy, independent courts, the separation of church and state, property rights, independent courts, a professional civil service, and civil society. Democratic capitalism has worked for most people. Why? It is a remarkable story, from the Greeks to the Geeks, encompassing technological progress and the corrections and contradictions between liberty and equality, technology, growth and the environment. In defence of the many virtues and opportunities that globalisation offers, Mike Moore makes the case for a fresh and new approach to our international Institutions and for domestic policies that promote equity and fairness. The book controversially attacks the new enemies of reason and evidence. The threats now come from all sides, especially workers in developed countries who fear for their jobs. Mike Moore is a political practitioner turned theoretician.
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Seitenzahl: 594
Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2011
Table of Contents
Foreword
Preface
Acknowledgments
Introduction
A Note About Terminology
Part 1: The World Today
Chapter 1: Accelerating Change and the Threat of De-Globalization
Disruptive change: The information age
The global economy
Property rights: Not glamorous but still the star
Development under threat?
Water: The new oil?
Fishing for fair food management
Worldwide action
Honest globalization
Chapter 2: The Rise and Rise of China
China: No doubt about it
The global dragon
Chapter 3: Enter India
India vs. China?
Chapter 4: The Islamic World: The Need for Mutual Respect
Defining differences: Malaysia, Turkey, Iran and the Gulf States
The way forward
Part 2: Big Ideas Through History
Chapter 5: Early Consensus Government
Oral and moral leadership
Chapter 6: Democracy—A Universal Impulse?
India
China
Abraham’s legacy
Chapter 7: The Gift of Greece
Democracy—the early days
The Periclean experiment
Rights for some, not all: Women, slaves and foreigners
Chapter 8: “Civis Romanus Sum”: Roman Citizenship and Roman Law
Early rights and duties: Citizenship in republican times
Citizenship under the empire: The example of St. Paul
Rome’s great legacy: The law
Life after death: Roman law after 500 AD
Chapter 9: The Glorious Revolution: Freedom in the Seventeenth Century
A kind of anarchy: The feudal system in the early Middle Ages
Kings and barons: Rights and the law in the high Middle Ages
Chapter 10: Magna Carta and Beyond
“Town air makes a man free”: A new world emerges
Liberty enlarged: Society in early modern Europe
Death and debate: The English Civil War
A triumph for tolerance: John Locke on religion
Liberty to take away another’s: The establishment of the trans-Atlantic slave trade
Chapter 11: Revolution and Reform: 1775–1914
Political revolutions: America and France
The Scottish Enlightenment
Christian gentlemen and French philosophes
The great doctrine of equality: Suffrage in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries
The modern world appears: Trade unions, state pensions and income tax
Painting the globe red: Freedom and the question of empire
Chapter 12: Modern International Institutions
The League of Nations
The United Nations
Parliamentary process and the WTO
The European Union
International organizations—powerful and transparent?
The responsibility to protect
GAT T/WTO
Part 3: The Pillars of Freedom and Progress
Chapter 13: The Need for Good Governance
Credit for empowerment
Building social trust
Advancing Africa
Chapter 14: Openness
Reciprocal advantage
Chapter 15: Free Trade
The open economy
Migration
Tolerance is good economics
Education and freedom of religion
Civil society
Chapter 16: A New Democracy
Individual freedom
Public services and individual choice
Chapter 17: Mobility and the Decent Society
Getting up from being down
Part 4: Enemies of the Open Society
Chapter 18: Power and Manipulation
Spinning deceit
A level playing field
Chapter 19: The Dangers of Absolute Conviction
Beware intolerance
Chapter 20: The Enemies of Reason
Reactionaries and their shallow certainties
Environmental monotheism
Food insecurity
NGOs: The best and worst of us
Part 5: Afterthoughts and Reconsiderations
Chapter 21: Information and Reputation
Chapter 22: Engagement in a Rapidly Changing World
Owning up to the past
Chapter 23: American Engagement
Chapter 24: Climate Change and the Energy Challenge
Summoning the energy
Mutually assured destiny
Chapter 25: What We Must Do
Index
ADVANCE PRAISE FOR
SAVING GLOBALIZATION—WHY GLOBALIZATION AND DEMOCRACY OFFER THE BEST HOPE FOR PROGRESS, PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT
It’s typical of Mike Moore’s intelligence and courage to come forward precisely at this moment of international crisis—that is, when his voice is most needed—with this well founded and finely expressed defense of globalization. It’s encouraging to know that one of the true champions of inclusive interdependence is not second-guessing what both practical experience and serious reflection have instilled in his actions as a national and international leader. Please read this excellent book.
Ernesto Zedillo
Director, Yale Center for the Study of Globalization
Former President of Mexico
The book reflects the qualities of the author—a direct no nonsense confrontation of the major challenges facing the world today and an attractive incapacity to abide sloppy prejudice from whatever quarter it may come. Mike Moore brings an acute historical and theoretical perspective to his treatment of these challenges but his great strength comes from his political experience at the highest level and subsequently as head of the WTO—he communicates on complex issues in an eminently readable form. He argues the case passionately and convincingly for globalization: “It is not a policy. . . it is not a regime imposed by some Wall Street conspiracy. . . it is a process that has been going on ever since our ancestors stood upright.” Moore concludes by describing himself as a “reckless optimist.” Reckless or not the world needs more optimists. The optimism of Saving Globalization is balanced, well-informed and well reasoned. I, who tend slightly more to pessimism, highly recommend it.
Robert J. L. Hawke
Former Prime Minister of Australia
Mike Moore is among a select group of people who have shaped globalization as we know it. As Prime Minister of New Zealand he helped redefined the functions of the modern state and as director-general of the World Trade Organization he steered the process of definition of the global trading system. I learned of his compassion for the poor and the excluded while working with him in the UN Commission for the Empowerment of the Poor. Mike is a champion of the poor who is passionate about bringing the benefits of a truly global economy for their betterment. Despite the gloom and doom painted by what he terms “enemies of reasons,” Mike is driven to see the marginalized empowered and democracy to succeed. In his latest book, Saving Globalization, Mike makes a compelling argument as to why globalization and democracy offer the best hope for those who truly want to improve their lives. This is a must-read for those committed to eliminating poverty through creation of wealth.
Dr. Ashraf Ghani
Former Finance Minister of Afghanistan
Saving Globalization: Why Globalization and Democracy Offer the Best Hope for Progress, Peace and Development is a truly excellent book. This is hardly surprising as there can be few better equipped to write it than Mike Moore. Those who know him will recognize in his writing the lucidity of thought, the pragmatism and the idealism that characterizes him. While the central thesis, evident from the title, is widely accepted, the understanding of the issues is often less than adequate. While, as Moore says, the system provided by the World Trade Organization “is holding firm,” there is no doubt that the current economic crisis is causing strains and there are legitimate fears of a creeping protectionism and nationalism undermining the great achievements of recent years. The book is accessible and cogent and presents its case admirably. It will have lasting value.
Peter Sutherland
Chairman, BP plc and Goldman Sachs International
Michael Moore, having been Prime Minister of New Zealand and Director General of the World Trade Organization, has chalked up extraordinary achievements in public life. He is also an astonishingly gifted writer. In this masterly book, written with a lifetime of experience, he addresses many important issues, particularly the advantages of an open world economy. If only his eloquence had been emulated by the G-8 leaders when endorsing trade liberalization and opposing protectionism. Moore’s book is indeed a tour de force.
Jagdish Bhagwati
University Professor, Economics and Law, Columbia University
Author of In Defense of Globalization
From his vantage point as former Director-General of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and Prime Minister of one of the world’s most open economies Mike Moore is uniquely qualified to describe in great detail the transformational power of globalization and political pluralism and why these processes are so often misunderstood. Saving Globalization also provides a timely and chilling warning of the threats facing globalization as Western political leaders are tempted by short-term political expediency and struggle to adapt to the rapidly changing global economic architecture. Mr. Moore then applies the full force of experience in describing the policies, institutions and strategies required to continue broadening the benefits of globalization throughout the developing world and to maintain prosperity in the West.
Stephen Jennings
CEO, Renaissance Group
Also by Mike Moore:
On BalanceThe Pacific ParliamentFighting for New ZealandBeyond TodayHard LabourA Brief History of the FutureThe Added Value EconomyChildren of the PoorA World Without WallsOn A World Without Walls
Mike Moore makes a strong case for the benefits of free trade and open markets. But he warns that global governance needs to be rethought to cope with the challenges of globalization. A wide ranging and thought-provoking book.
George Soros, author ofGeorge Soros on Globalization
A World Without Walls is excellent at giving a glimpse of what goes on behind closed doors in the negotiating process, viewed from the position of an official mandated to bring together the different parties and to secure an agreement.
Times Higher Education Supplement
On Children of the Poor
POOR Mike Moore; he has a gut level empathy with the poor that many politicians spend years cultivating, but he holds the unfashionable yet sensible view that the best way to improve their lot is to have more faith, not less, in the market economy.
The Dominion Post
Mike Moore draws attention to the appalling neglect and maltreatment of children in New Zealand and points out that this will lead eventually to social catastrophe. The statistics are depressing and getting worse—crime, drug use, under-age pregnancies, truancy, youth suicide—all the indicators are pointing the wrong way.
The Southland Times
On A Brief History of the Future
Mike Moore is an irrepressible optimist, and his prognostications are far more pleasant. He has a clearer picture than any politician I know of the productive and prosperous place these little islands could enjoy in the next century. His message is one to be heeded.
The Press
This book reflects an unashamedly internationalist outlook. As such, it is not just a job application but represents the expression of an outward looking politician in an increasingly isolationist political context. Moore makes his case that if New Zealand is unwilling to adapt and change to international realities, it will follow in the footsteps of imperial China and Spain.
New Zealand International Review
Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons (Asia) Pte. Ltd.
Published in 2009 by John Wiley & Sons (Asia) Pte. Ltd.
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To honorable public servants, elected and otherwise.
Cowardice asks the question—is it safe? Expediency asks the question—is it politic? Vanity asks the question—is it popular? But conscience asks the question—is it right? And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular, but one must take it because it is right.
Martin Luther King, Jr
Foreword
I have yet to meet anyone who has more practical economic and legal experience in the politics of international trade than Mike Moore. I have learned much from him—and this book has taught me more, particularly about the history of global trade, all the way back to antiquity. The book’s common refrain is “this is not new in history” and the author explains with impressive facts, figures and anecdotes how economic migration, expanding local markets across national borders, and other earlier forms of “globalization” have led to greater economic growth and prosperity for ordinary people, particularly the poorest among them.
I first met Mike Moore in Geneva in 2001 at a meeting of the Inter-Parliamentary Union on how to make international trade more equitable and just. We were both keynote speakers, but Mike gave a better presentation—smart, entertaining, and, above all, an impassioned case that free trade was not just about competition and increasing productivity but could be equitable and “good for the people” of poor countries. In those days, advocates for the poor were not supposed to be proponents of globalization. It was a bit of political correctness that annoyed me, a fan of markets who had spent decades working to reduce poverty in my own country, Peru, and in the rest of the developing world. In fact, in my first book, The Other Path, originally published in Peru in 1987, I lamented the inadequacy of the debate over development: those on the left who cared about the poor knew nothing about the market, while those on the right who knew their economic theory didn’t seem to care much about the poor.
At that IPU gathering in Geneva, I had finally discovered a fellow rara avis—an ex-Labor Prime Minister of New Zealand, who as a young man had worked as a laborer and social worker but who had also participated in major trade negotiations around the world as his country’s Trade and Foreign Minister and then as WTO Director-General. When I was asked in 2005 to co-chair (with former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright) the Commission for the Legal Empowerment of the Poor, I nominated Mike Moore as a commissioner, and there was not a dissenting voice. He emerged as our best speaker, the fastest gun in the middle of a raucous room, who could structure an economic and legal argument as well as any lawyer or economist I have ever met but always with his heart unabashedly on his sleeve. In the middle of every debate, he would always remind us, “This is about people.”
And it is those same ordinary people who are the central concern of Mike Moore’s plan for “Saving Globalization.” We now know that in the past half-century the world has experienced more economic growth than it had during the previous 2,000 years. Central to that global success, he argues, is the fact that some 500 million people have been lifted out of poverty and turned into consumers of goods from all over the world. “The challenge in the next decade,” he argues, “is to do this again by widening the global economic base.” It’s pure Mike Moore: economic development and prosperity for all people. Globalization and poverty reduction.
At the moment, however, globalization is not really working, as the title of this book implies: four billion people of the developing world—two-thirds of the world’s population—are currently on the outside looking in, getting angrier every day. As a Third Worlder with 25 years of experience exploring the shadow economies of the developing countries, let me give you a sense of international trade from the perspective of small businesses in a shanty town in Latin America or Africa. First of all, globalization is not even on their radar screen. In a study of the informal economies of 12 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, conducted for the Inter-American Development Bank by my colleagues at the Institute for Liberty and Democracy (ILD) in 2007, they found that an average of only about 8 percent of the businesses in those countries had the legal tools to participate in international trade. The ILD has also analyzed the business and property sectors in the Philippines, Egypt, Tanzania and Albania and found their economies to be largely informal: in Tanzania, one of Africa’s most impressive economic success stories, 98 percent of the entrepreneurs were operating outside the law. The economic picture across the rest of the developing world is the same: one of massive informality.
Why? The existing laws and institutions governing property and business in those countries are too burdensome, costly, discriminatory and often just plain bad, making it virtually impossible for ordinary people to gain access to the legal tools that even small entrepreneurs in rich countries take for granted. This is especially true of property rights, forms of business to divide labor productively and identity devices to expand their markets beyond the confines of family and neighbors. Most Third World entrepreneurs cannot even trade securely with someone across the marketplace or bazaar, never mind internationally. So far, globalization has only globalized the westernized elites of the poor countries. Even developing countries with impressive economic growth in recent years, such as Peru and Chile in my part of the world or such African stars as Tanzania and Ethiopia, do not have real market economies.
There is a myth that “the real economy” is about natural resources, production and hard work. Yet in Latin America, we export gold, copper, soybeans, airplanes, cars, natural gas, and oil. Africa, too, is brimming with natural resources. What we Third Worlders are missing is what Europeans and North Americans take for granted: a trustworthy property system with the documentary tools that permit everyone to get connected to the rest of the world. What has bestowed prosperity to the West is the ability to trust and cooperate on an expanded scale, form credit and capital, and combine ingredients from a variety of sources into products of increasing complexity. That requires legal property paper, and therein stands the real economy. Currently, the developing world is full of valuable assets—some US$10 trillion worth, according to ILD estimates—that are languishing as “dead capital,” unable to be leveraged through credit and investment for the lack of legal documentation.
The only globalization worth saving is one that includes the majority of the people of the globe. Up to now, the political leaders of the North Atlantic countries have largely treated globalization as a foreign-affairs issue; they have done little to see how trade works up close at a national level where the actual laws that make doing business possible (or impossible) actually operate. They have also ignored history, particularly the Industrial Revolution, where, as Mike Moore notes in this book, the West solved many of the problems we are facing today. There is also too much talk of the “clash of cultures,” while ignoring the evidence that informal entrepreneurs in Christian Latin America and Muslim Africa operate similarly, creating their own spontaneous norms to do business and protect their assets, proving to the culture warriors that they are ready to take their place in a modern market economy.
Globalization is not about to go away. But we will have to work hard to make sure it proceeds justly and equitably. And that, I would propose, just might be the silver lining of the current recession, which has forced America and Europe to reconsider the international financial system. Those of us who care about poor people and market economics have a responsibility to ensure that whatever “new paradigm” emerges for the 21st-century global economy, the world’s four billion poor people must have a stake in it.
How specifically to address this tragic imbalance? I would advise you to keep reading Mike Moore’s book for some very good answers.
Hernando de Soto
Author of The Mystery of Capital and The Other Path
President, Instituto Libertad y Democracia
Preface
When I was first active in politics, I devoured books and quizzed people to discover how to do things. As I’ve got older the emphasis has shifted somewhat, and I’ve become fascinated to discover why we do things, and where these beliefs and ideas come from. We are what we have learned, a fact graciously acknowledged by the former British Labor leader Michael Foot, whose book Debts of Honor is an elegant tribute to all those who influenced him—family, writers and thinkers, people he met, figures and events from history.
In this book I’ve set out to praise the people, principles and institutions that have helped shape my belief that we can make this world a better place, and to explain some of historical follies that continue to impede progress towards that goal.
While writing my earlier book A World Without Walls, which dealt with the economic and social consequences of globalization, I was struck by the overwhelming evidence that open democratic societies, run by the rule of law, with accountable leaders, honest public servants and an engaged civil society, produced the best results. Human rights, labor standards and environmental outcomes all improved under such conditions. The Kuznets curve famously shows that environmental outcomes improve as living and educational standards are lifted. Just as a free market corrects economic imbalances and provides more effective and prudent use of resources, so a free political market corrects injustices because an engaged civil society and leaders accountable to the people respond to problems. The environmental movement, the women’s movement and the civil rights movement all mobilized opinions that shaped the agenda to which legislators and businesses respond.
How have the rules, customs and habits that govern successful countries evolved? The big ideas of history—democracy, the separation of church and state, property rights, independent courts, a professional civil service, and the civil engagement which drove reform to widen the franchise, promote social mobility, the civil rights movement, the women’s and environmental movements—have all played their part in the creation of our successful modern societies. Far from being pessimistic about the state of the world, I am always recklessly, even dangerously, optimistic. In most areas of human existence things have improved. Life expectancy is up, literacy is up, and human rights have improved dramatically in most places.
Globalization has lifted hundreds of millions out of extreme poverty. This should be a time of hope born of our historic experience. Yet the enemies of reason, with their dark destructive messages of doom and hate, still have a constituency and gain much media coverage by selling the old-time religion of protectionism and anti-enlightenment—anti-modernity. In this book I have tried to put all this into perspective; to examine and explain how it has all happened; to explore some of the great ideas and personalities that have shaped our world; and to offer some ideas for a future that should be faced, not feared.
Lesen Sie weiter in der vollständigen Ausgabe!
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