Surplus People E-Book

Jim Rees

• Herausgeber: The Collins Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2014

Beschreibung

The Great Famine in Ireland was a catastrophe of immense proportions. Eviction, emigration and death from starvation were widespread. Landlords, eager to dispose of 'surplus' tenants, engaged in 'assisted passages', whereby tenants were given financial incentives to emigrate. The clearances of uneconomic tenants from the 85,000-acre Coolattin Estate in County Wicklow by Lord Fitzwilliam were the most organised in Ireland during and after the Famine years. From 1847 to 1856 Fitzwilliam removed 6,000 men, women and children and arranged passage from New Ross in Wexford to Canada on emigrant ships such as the Dunbrody. Most were destitute and many were ill on arrival in Quebec and New Brunswick. Hunger and overcrowding at quarantine stations, such as the infamous Grosse Île, resulted in further disease and death. Jim Rees explores this tragedy, from why the clearances occurred to who went where and how some families fared in Canada.

Leseprobe

JIM REES, a Wicklow resident and historian, with a History Masters Degree from NUI Maynooth, has had a lifelong passion for history and literature. He has written extensively and lectured widely on topics such as emigration and maritime history.

Keep up to date with Jim Rees on Facebook at www.facebook.com/jim.rees.391?fref=ts

CONTENTS

Picture Credits

Acknowledgements

Currency Conversion

Introduction

Chapter 1: Coolattin Estate

Chapter 2: Life on the Coolattin Estate 1830–1845

Chapter 3: The Poor Law

Chapter 4: Crisis: 1845–6

Chapter 5: Shedding the Surplus

Chapter 6: Life in the ’Tween Decks

Chapter 7: Quebec

Chapter 8: New Brunswick

Chapter 9: 1850–6

Chapter 10: Conclusion

Appendices

Endnotes

Bibliography

PICTURE CREDITS

The publishers and author would like to thank all who have supplied illustrations for this book.

Page 10: Trustees of the Right Honourable Olive, Countess Fitzwilliam’s Chattels Settlement and Lady Juliet de Chair.

Page 14: William Nolan, Geography Publications.

Pages 45, 48, 50, 52, 54: Illustrated London News.

Pages 60, 62, 72, 74: André Charbonneau, Parcs Canada.

Page 84: Robbie Tyrrell.

Page 143: The outboard sketch of the barque Dunbrody, © Colin Mudie.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I began researching this book in 1995 and it took about three years to complete. I was fortunate to receive the help and goodwill of many people during that time. I wish to thank the Director and staff of the National Library of Ireland; Brian Donnelly and Ken Hannigan of the National Archives of Ireland; Billy Lee, John Murphy, Joe Hayden, the late Paudge Brennan, Pat Power, Mary Kelly Quinn, and Richard Haworth. Mary Byrne deciphered many of the documents and put them on computer.

I must mention the generous help and co-operation of Denis Noel of the Provincial Archives of New Brunswick, Allen Doiron also of the PANB, Mary McDevitt the Archivist of the Diocese of St John, Professor Gail Campbell of St Thomas’ University, George Haney, Joan Jones, Anne Brault, Hilarion and Patricia Coughlin, and all the members of the Irish Canadian Cultural Association who helped in so many ways. I must thank Marianna O’Gallagher in Quebec and Tom and Mary-Anne Birchard, Kyle, Meghan, and Garrett in Toronto. Among my informants were descendants of some of the emigrants whose story is recorded here. I am particularly grateful to Ron Brash, Paul Ormond, Terri Brickett, Marian Gamester, Bob Beckwith and Gail Nightingale. Both Lois Long of Ottawa and Ross Hopkins of Rossland, BC, deserve very special mention for supplying me not only with information about their ancestors but also for sharing the fruits of their very extensive researches.

Without financial support, I could not have undertaken research in Canada. In this regard special thanks are due to the O’Mahony family who provided research funding through the EOIN O’MAHONY BURSARY, which is administered by the Royal Irish Academy.

CURRENCY CONVERSION

Below is a table of modern equivalents of the main contemporary monetary amounts mentioned in the text. Finding an appropriate indicator to compare relative worth is a complex business, as there are many and varied methods from which to choose, and the result is, of necessity, merely an approximation. I have used a comparison of average earnings as the basis, from the website MeasuringWorth.com.

1847–1856

2010s

Five shillings

€200

Ten shillings

€400

£3-15-0

€3,000

£5

€4,000

£10-15-0

€9,000

£20

€17,000

£40-5-6

€33,000

£3,000

€2.6 million

£16,342-11-1

€14 million

£24,000

€20 million

INTRODUCTION

The Irish potato famine of the second half of the 1840s was a catastrophe of immense proportions. It has been described as the worst social disaster of nineteenth-century Europe. Its scale was so vast that historians disagree on many of its aspects. How many died, how many emigrated, how much or how little was done by government to alleviate the suffering of millions; how great was its social and cultural impact? Was it famine or simply a series of crop failures? Was it the will of God or passive genocide? They cannot even agree on how long it lasted. Its duration is difficult to define because it did not ‘end’ but rather petered out, with some regions experiencing crop failures for seven consecutive years from 1845 to 1852.1

So much has been written about that horrific time that it is sometimes tempting to think that there are no new angles from which to view it. That would be a great mistake. As historians dig deeper, new facts leading to new interpretations come to light. Also, when an event of such magnitude is looked at on a national level, the overall picture can only be brought into focus at the loss of localised detail. The potato crop failures of those years varied in intensity and geographical distribution and there has been an understandable tendency to concentrate on those areas which were hardest hit. Because of this tendency many parts of the country have been overlooked or, at best, only briefly referred to.

One of those regions is County Wicklow which, in common with most of the eastern counties, figures scantily, if at all, in most of the major studies. This meagre coverage is unintentionally misleading and perpetuates the misconception that Wicklow somehow managed to come through those years unscathed.

Recent studies have shown that death from starvation and disease in Wicklow was more common than had been realised.2 The Workhouses in Shillelagh, Rathdrum, Baltinglass and Rathdown were filled to overflowing. Government schemes, soup kitchens and local relief committees operated throughout the county. Eviction and emigration were also part of Wicklow’s famine experience. It has been estimated that the population of the county decreased by 21.5% between 1841 and 1851. This decrease represented over 27,000 people. The proximity of the national capital offered an escape route for many and by 1851 ‘more than a fifth of all Wicklow-born people lived in Dublin’.3 There were also many thousands who went to Britain, the United States and Canada. In 1850, the parish priest of the combined parish of Killaveny and Annacurra, in the south of the county, led over a thousand people to the American mid-west at the behest of the Bishop of Little Rock in Arkansas.4

Landlords, eager to rid their estates of ‘surplus’ tenantry, were engaged in ‘assisted passages’. The most important of these was Lord Fitzwilliam, whose 80,000-acre estate was by far the largest in the county. Between 1847 and 1856 he removed almost 6,000 men, women and children from his property and arranged passage for them to Canada. Most of them were destitute and arrived in Quebec and New Brunswick with little more than what they wore on their backs.

The purpose of this study is to examine the Fitzwilliam clearances during those years and, where possible, to see how some of the families fared on their arrival in Canada. It will be noticed that while a complete chapter is dedicated to the situation on the infamous Grosse Île near Quebec, there is little information in this work about how these families fared when they reached their destinations in Ontario and elsewhere. This was due to time and financial restrictions during the research period. However, I have included a detailed chapter dealing with those families who arrived in St Andrews, New Brunswick.

Chapter 1

COOLATTIN ESTATE

Coolattin is synonymous with the Fitzwilliam family, who owned the property for 200 years before selling it in the 1970s.

The district in which the Coolattin estate lay was once part of the lands controlled by the native Irish sept of the O’Byrnes. Although there is evidence to show that the Normans made some attempt to settle the area, it was not until the sixteenth century that English influence was eventually felt. In 1578, Sir Henry Harrington, an adventurer, was granted the ‘country of Shilelaughe alias Shilealie in County Dublin,1 lying nigh the Birenes country, in the queen’s disposition as by good matter of record doth appear. To hold for twenty-one years, rent £13-6-8’.2

This was hostile country for people like Harrington and one of the stipulations of the lease was that he had to maintain a corps of English horsemen. The indigenous inhabitants were, understandably, sometimes less than compliant with leases that had been drawn up without their consultation. Harrington immediately set about building a stone castle in the townland of Knockloe. It did little to deter the O’Byrnes from registering their displeasure at his intrusion and they razed it in a subsequent battle in 1597. Equally undeterred, Harrington built another castle a few years later at Carnew. This one withstood the test of time and tumult and a substantial portion of it, incorporated into a more recent building, can still be seen in the village.

When Harrington died in 1612 his property passed into the hands of a Welshman, Calcott Chambre. By this time, the O’Byrnes had submitted to English rule and the county of Wicklow had come into being, the last of the 32 counties in Ireland to be established. This led to a period of uneasy peace. Free from the restrictions of defence requirements, Chambre established a deer park encompassing about seven miles around the castle but his main interest was in smelting iron ore. The vast woodlands in the area offered long-term sources of fuel with which to extract the metal from the ore, which was then imported as pig iron from Wales. So plentiful and cheaply obtainable was the timber fuel that the ore could be brought from Wales, smelted and exported back across the Irish Sea and still be sold more profitably than if it were produced in Wales or England.

Chambre was not the only entrepreneur to seize upon this opportunity. There were small smelters operating in clusters throughout what was to become the Coolattin estate. In general, the people who worked them were non-native and transient, without ties to the land or the area, who were here simply to smelt ore while the cheap fuel supply lasted. Chambre, however, was by far the most successful.

THE EARL OF STRAFFORD

Thomas Wentworth, 1st Earl of Strafford, was a remarkable entrepreneur. He was ambitious, shrewd, clever, conniving, manipulative and scheming. In the 1630s, he was appointed Lord Deputy of Ireland, in effect the king’s representative, a viceroy with immense power and endless opportunity to increase his already considerable fortune. He quickly established a reputation for implementing his own agenda without regard for others and consequently earned the name ‘Black Tom’.

Wentworth, despite having property in Yorkshire and Northamptonshire, wanted to establish himself firmly in Ireland and in a seven year period he acquired 60,000 acres in County Wicklow. Some of this property he acquired in 1638 from Calcott Chambre. When he first approached Chambre with a view to buying him out, Chambre was not interested. However, as Lord Deputy, Wentworth had the power to impose or relax trading restrictions at will and he consequently introduced an export tax on smelted iron. This, of course, greatly curtailed Chambre’s business yet he still refused to sell to Wentworth. Black Tom was equally determined that the sale should go ahead and he had Chambre arrested and imprisoned. Chambre eventually conceded and Wentworth bought the land around Shillelagh, paying £13,000 for 24,000 acres. Shortly afterwards, he acquired the manors of Wicklow and Newcastle as well as lands in the Towerboy and Cashaw areas of the county.

Since Wentworth was, first and foremost, the king’s man, Charles I supported Wentworth when his enemies bayed for his blood, as long as there was no great threat to himself. By 1640, however, the baying became so pronounced that Wentworth was becoming more of a problem than a prop. In May of the following year, to appease the growing anti-Wentworth lobby, Charles agreed to have ‘his man’ executed at Tyburn. The charges which led to Wentworth’s beheading branded him a traitor and the sentence called for, apart from his death, confiscation of his lands by the Crown.

That should have been the end of the Wentworth wealth but politics is a strange game in which the rules continually change, and before the year was out the properties were restored to Wentworth’s son, the 2nd Earl of Strafford. This was the beginning of the see-saw claims of the Wentworths to their Shillelagh properties, which they referred to as Fairwood. Within two years of regaining the lands from the Crown, the properties were again confiscated by those in power. This time, civil war in England raged between Royalists and Cromwell’s Roundheads. In 1643, the Roundheads held sway and they stripped known Royalists of their possessions. Consequently the Wentworths lost their lands because, firstly, they were deemed anti-royalist and, secondly, because they were deemed pro-royalist. The eventual disillusion with Cromwell’s Commonwealth and the restoration of the monarchy in 1660 once again reversed the fortunes of the Wentworths and they regained their estates and titles. By 1663, all was almost as it had been in Black Tom’s day.

Whereas Tom had planned on investing heavily in his Wicklow properties, his son showed no interest in them, as long as the felling of the woods produced the revenue he had come to expect from them. In fact, it is doubtful if he ever even visited Ireland. When he died in 1695, at the age of 69, he had no children to inherit either the Fairwood estate or his vast properties in England. The main estate was at Wentworth-Woodhouse in Yorkshire. The person with the greatest claim to the properties was 30-year-old Thomas Watson, the third son of Wentworth’s eldest sister who was married to Edward Watson, the 2nd Baron Rockingham.3

THE MARQUIS OF ROCKINGHAM

A codicil of Thomas Wentworth’s will was that his successor must adopt the name Wentworth. When Thomas Watson inherited the Strafford properties, therefore, he changed his name to Thomas Watson-Wentworth.

Like his benefactor, Thomas never came to Ireland. As long as it produced a steady income and did not impinge too deeply on his time, he was happy to let life at Fairwood proceed as it had done. He was more concerned with his properties and prospects in England. In 1728 he became Baron Malton, becoming the Earl of Malton ten years later and it was at about this time the name of his Shillelagh estate changed from Fairwood to Malton, and he set about taking an active interest in his Irish estate.

The political uncertainties of the latter half of the seventeenth century made investment in Irish properties a particularly precarious prospect. However, the establishment of a Protestant monarchy, aristocracy, and administration, the imposition of the Penal Laws against Catholics and non-conformists, and other factors helped stabilise the economy. Also, decades of forestry clearance with no thought of long-term replacement meant that the only source of revenue was beginning to disappear. A complete reversal of attitude towards the Fairwood/Malton estate was called for.

As the fortunes of the estate, or the lack of them, were being assessed, the strength of the tenants’ hold on the lands was recognised for the first time. In the asset-stripping mindset which had prevailed the tenants had been ignored. This suited the tenants as their rents were, on average, half of what tenants on other estates, particularly in neighbouring County Wexford, were paying to their landlords for comparative holdings. Also, they had managed to secure leases which incorporated the ‘Ulster Custom’. This allowed the tenant to nominate the holder of the new lease on the expiration of the current one. He could even name himself. In effect, this gave the tenants indefinite tenure. The rents could be raised with each new lease but it would be up to the tenant if he wished to renew it or pass it on to a son or other designate. Also, the size of their holdings were very large. In 1730, out of a population in excess of 5,000 people on the Fairwood/Malton estate, there were only 64 head-tenants and these, left to their own devices for so long, wielded more power on the estate than either Wentworth or Thomas Watson-Wentworth.

Their houses and lifestyle reflected this independence and power. Hugh Wainwright, Watson-Wentworth’s agent on the estate and the man charged with implementing the policy changes to make it profitable, complained that the houses of the head-tenants were too large to be maintained by their holdings. Meanwhile, their sub-tenants were living in wretched hovels. If the estate was to be turned around the grip of the head-tenants would have to be broken. With the final suppression of the Jacobite cause in 1745–6, even greater and more prolonged stability was assured and the time had come to implement the new policies to the full. Even better was the fact that in 1746 Thomas Watson-Wentworth inherited the vast Rockingham estates from the paternal side of his family. He was now the Marquis of Rockingham, with the combined fortunes of the Rockinghams and the Wentworths behind him.

From that time, new clauses in leases were introduced as they came up for renewal. Rents were raised and the first wisps of change could be felt. But in 1750, before the new measures could be fully introduced, Thomas Watson-Wentworth died.

While Watson-Wentworth’s material fortunes had grown, he had been less blessed in his family life. His first four sons pre-deceased him, so it was his fifth son, Charles, who became the 2nd Marquis of Rockingham. Charles had established a reputation as something of a radical. He was one of the leading proponents of Catholic Emancipation and he was a supporter of the efforts to establish a parliament in Dublin which would deal with internal Irish matters, although still subject to the English parliament when it came to foreign affairs and defence. Unfortunately, when this demi-parliament was opened in 1782 it proved to be nothing more than a Protestant assembly for a Protestant, propertied elite. The majority of the people of Ireland had no representation in it.

This was the man who turned the estate around. Before new leases were signed, the tenants had to accept certain conditions – trees were to be planted, fences made, and cottage industries were to be introduced. Each tenant was to produce a certain quantity of linen each year. The growing of flax and the resultant linen industry had worked very well in Ulster and, he felt, might well be replicated in Wicklow. Such plans seldom make allowance for local conditions and what seemed a good idea proved unworkable, although some linen manufacture did take place for a couple of decades. But the greatest social change on the estate wrought in his years was the dramatic loss of power of the head-tenants. In 1745, 4% of tenants had holdings of less than 60 acres while 40% had from 300 to 1,000 acres. By 1783, 41% had holdings of less than 60 acres while the percentage of 300- to 1,000- acre tenants had tumbled from 40% to 13%. He had broken the hold of the middlemen to a large degree. While this was of immense importance to the estate, it mattered little to the sub-tenants in the hovels.

Like the last of the Straffords, Charles also died without an heir and, once again, a near relative was sought who would have a legal claim to the properties in both England and Ireland. Charles had three sisters, the eldest of whom, Anne, had married the 3rd Earl Fitzwilliam in 1744. Fitzwilliam had died in 1756, leaving her a widow with an eight-year-old son, William. William became the 4th Earl Fitzwilliam and was the incumbent of the title when his maternal uncle, Charles Watson-Wentworth, the 2nd Marquis of Rockingham, died in 1782 leaving him the vast fortune which included the Malton estate based at Shillelagh.

THE FITZWILLIAMS

The Fitzwilliams had long been established in England and, over the centuries, had held some very important posts. One had been the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for almost 30 years in the sixteenth century. They were also connected by marriage to many of England’s most prosperous and powerful families including the Duke of Devonshire and the Earls of Liverpool and Leicester. They were staunch royalists and were close to the throne. Their ability to shift with the prevailing political winds assured them of success and security of tenure. As in many cases, their conversion to Protestantism during the Reformation was generally considered to have been based on economics rather than sincerity and their ambiguous attitudes towards Catholicism caused frequent suspicion, if not open accusation. It was a trait that was to manifest itself time and again.

The 4th Earl, who inherited Malton estate as part of the Rockingham legacy, was a remarkable character. He was described in Rosebery’s Life of Pitt as: ‘… a man of courageous sympathies and honest enthusiasm, but not less wrongheaded as strongheaded, absolutely devoid of judgement, reticence, and tact.’