Burnaby's Travels through North America E-Book

Andrew Burnaby

• Herausgeber: Jazzybee Verlag
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 208

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2022

Beschreibung

"Travels Through North America," by Andrew Burnaby, was originally published in London and this reprint is from the third edition of 1798. It is somewhat amusing to read the prognostications of the keen-eyed and quick-brained doctor of divinity, when he says: "He still thinks that the present union of the American States will not be permanent or last for any considerable length of time; that that extensive country must necessarily be divided into separate states and kingdoms; and that America will never, at least for many ages, become formidable to Europe, etc." What would he think were he to be able to visit us now? He is a wise prophet who knows beforehand, and, who, if he does not know, is shrewd enough to veil his prophecies in ambiguity. But the book is well worth the republishing. It is full of interesting accounts by a careful eyewitness of events and conditions, habits and customs just prior to the War of the Revolution. There are kind and manly words spoken of Washington and some excellent descriptions of the scenery and cities of that time. The localities which Burnaby reached in his travels were as follows: Virginia, the Falls of the Potomac, Maryland, Chesapeake Bay, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, Rhode Island and Massachusetts.

Leseprobe

Burnaby's Travels Through North America

ANDREW BURNABY

Burnaby's Travels through North America, Andrew Burnaby

Burnaby, Andrew, 1732-1812.

Wilson, Rufus Rockwell, 1865-1949.

Fauquier, Francis, 1704-1768.

Jazzybee Verlag Jürgen Beck

86450 Altenmünster, Loschberg 9

Deutschland

Printed by Bookwire, Voltastraße 1, 60486 Frankfurt/M.

ISBN: 9783849662981

www.jazzybee-verlag.de

[email protected]

CONTENTS:

INTRODUCTION.1

PREFACE3

TRAVELS THROUGH THE MIDDLE  SENTIMENTS OF NORTH AMERICA9

APPENDIX 1.73

APPENDIX 2.76

APPENDIX 4.81

APPENDIX 5. DIARY OF THE WEATHER91

EDITORIAL NOTES.109

INTRODUCTION.

THE author of the volume to which this serves as introduction was born in 1734 at Asfordby, in Leicestershire, the eldest son and namesake of the Reverend Andrew Burnaby, a well-to-do clergyman of the Church of England, who served successively as vicar of St. Margaret's, Leicester, rector of Asfordby and prebendary of Lincoln.

The younger Burnaby was admitted into Westminster School in 1748, and proceeded thence to Queen's College, Cambridge, where he took the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1754, and three years later, that of Master of Arts. In 1759 and 1760, he travelled through the American colonies, and from 1762 to 1767, having in the meantime taken orders, he was chaplain to the British factory at Leghorn. During his sojourn in Italy he explored all parts of that country and travelled in Corsica, of which, in 1804, he published an account. In 1769, soon after his return to England, he was nominated to the vicarage of Greenwich, and in 1786 he was presented to the archdeaconry of Leicester. He succeeded to large estates in Huntingdonshire on his father's death in 1767, but Baggrave Hall, Leicestershire, the inheritance of his wife Anna, daughter of John Edwyn, whom he married in 1770, was his favorite place of residence. He died at Blackheath, on March 9, 1812, and within a fortnight his wife followed him to the grave. One of his descendants in the fourth generation was Frederick Burnaby, the soldier and traveler, who was killed in 1885 at the battle of Abu Klea in the Soudan.

Burnaby tells in his introduction how the record of his travels through the American colonies found its way into print. First published in 1775, it reached a second edition within a year and was speedily translated into French and German. The original was reissued in much enlarged form in 1798, and from that edition the present reprint is made. Burnaby's book well deserves a new lease of life, for he was an acute though kindly observer, and his visit to the colonies fell in an interesting and critical time: the Seven Years' War which wrought the downfall of the French power in America was just drawing to a close, and in the political sky was heard the low, insistent rumblings of the storm which was to break at Concord and Bunker Hill.

It should be remembered that the author's point of view was that of a devoted minister of the Church of England and loyal supporter of the crown. Thus his religious and political inclinings color his impressions of country and people. There is evidence on every page, however, that he was moved by a sincere purpose to be truthful and just, and he helps not a little to a fuller and more accurate knowledge of a confused and troubled period in our history. The editor has conformed the author's spelling of proper names to present usages and has added such notes as seemed necessary to make certain of his allusions clear to the average reader.

R. R. W.

PREFACE

THE two former Editions of these Travels were published, one immediately after the other, at a moment, when events of the greatest magnitude, and importance to this country, were depending; and when the minds of men were extremely agitated and alarmed for the fate of the British Empire. A rupture between Great Britain and her American Colonies was seriously apprehended: and as men foresaw, or at least fancied they foresaw, very calamitous consequences arising from so disastrous an event, it was generally wished that the evil might, if possible, be prevented; and a reconciliation happily effected, before matters were carried to extremity. The Author, flattered by his friends, and perhaps a little also by vanity, presumed to hope, that the publication of his tour through the Middle Settlements in North America might, in some degree, conduce to this desirable end: and as the measures to be adopted by Government were at that time under the deliberation of Parliament, it was thought expedient to submit it to the Public, before any resolutions were formed that might eventually be decisive of the fate of the British Empire. There was not time, therefore, to publish the Work in so full and correct a manner, as the materials in the Author's possession would otherwise have enabled him to do. He confined himself to general, and what he judged leading, circumstances; and postponed the insertion of others to more favorable and tranquil times. The two former Editions, however, being now entirely out of print, he deems it expedient to publish a third Edition, revised, corrected, and greatly enlarged by the insertion of new matter; particularly by several statistical tables referring to the Commerce of America; and some authentic Memoirs of Thomas late Lord Fairfax, and of the several branches of that noble house now domiciliated in Virginia, both of which have been derived from the best and most unquestionable authority.-The Work for these reasons, and from its being almost the only account of the Middle Settlements, during the period of their happiest and most flourishing state, may possibly, notwithstanding the separation that has since taken place, be still interesting, at least to individuals: and the Author offers the present Edition to the Public, with the same assurance as he did the former ones; viz. that he believes the contents to be strictly and literally true. If, however, some slight errors may accidentally and undesignedly have been committed, and anyone will have the goodness to point them out, the Author will think himself highly obliged by the information and will avail himself of the first opportunity to acknowledge and correct them.

The astonishing events that have taken place since the publication of the two former Editions, will probably expose the Author's opinion concerning the termination and final issue of the American contest to animadversion: but in vindication of himself, he must be permitted to observe,-

That it was not within the sphere of calculation to suppose,

1st. That the British ministry would persist in requiring unconditional submission from the colonies, till it was too late to recede; and the opportunity was lost, and for ever gone by:

2ndly. That when coercive measures had been resolved upon, they would have been enforced in so ruinous and so ineffectual a manner:

3rdly. That, during the war, any member in opposition would have declared publicly, that he corresponded with, and wished success to, the Americans, then in arms against the king:

Still less was it within the sphere of calculation to suppose,

that France, though it might be expected that she would so far interfere in the contest as to endeavour to distress and embarrass this country, would send troops to America, to the irreparable ruin of her own finances, in order to make the Americans free and independent states:

Least of all was it within the sphere of calculation to suppose,

That Spain would join in a plan inevitably leading, though by slow and imperceptible steps, to the final loss of all her rich possessions in South America.

There were indeed enlightened minds both in France and in Spain, who foresaw what has since happened, and who deprecated any interference in the dispute, and recommended the observance of a strict neutrality: And the unfortunate Lewis the sixteenth himself is said to have shewn the greatest repugnance to the treaty with the Americans, and to have declared in the bitterness of sorrow, when he signed it, that he had signed the warrant for his own ruin and destruction.

In August, 1792, the Author was at Cologne; and there accidentally falling in with the Duke of Bourbon, and several French noblemen of his suite, the conversation naturally turned upon the situation and affairs of France; and the author expressing his surprise at the impolicy of the French ministry in engaging so deeply in the American war, and deducing from thence the present miseries of France, one of the courtiers with great emotion exclaimed,-"Ah, "monsieur, c'est bien vrai; nous avons mal calculé!" -But the die is cast, and it is too late to moralize.

The reader will doubtless be surprised, when the Author declares, that he has not altered his sentiments since the year 1775, in regard to the American war and its consequences. He still thinks, that the separation might, in the first instance, have been prevented: that coercive measures, when resolved upon, might have been enforced, comparatively speaking, without bloodshed; and with great probability of success: that the present union of the American States will not be permanent or last for any considerable length of time: that that extensive country must necessarily be divided into separate states and kingdoms: and that America will never, at least for many ages, become formidable to Europe; or acquire, what has been so frequently predicted, universal empire. The Author thinks he could assign plausible reasons at least for these various opinions; but it is better that they should be consigned to oblivion. The wise Disposer of events has decreed, that America shall be independent of Great Britain; that she is so, may ultimately perhaps be advantageous to both countries; at least it will be owing to excess of folly if it be highly disadvantageous to either. Let us supplicate Heaven to unite them in permanent friendship and affection; and to preserve inviolate that alliance, that harmony and connection, which religion, moral habits, language, interest, origin, and innumerable other considerations, can never cease to point out and recommend to them.

A FEW days before I embarked for America, being in a coffee-house with some friends, and discoursing of things relative to that country, an elderly gentleman advancing towards the box where we were sitting, addressed himself to me in the following manner: "Sir," said he, "you "are young, and just entering into the world; I am "old, and upon the point of leaving it: allow me "therefore to give you one piece of advice, which is "the result of experience; and which may possibly, "some time or other, be of use to you. You are "going to a country where every thing will appear "new and wonderful to you; but it will appear so "only for a while; for the novelty of it will daily wear "off; and in time it will grow quite familiar to you. "Let me, therefore, recommend to you to note in "your pocket-book every circumstance that may "make an impression upon you; for be assured, sir, "though it may afterward appear familiar and "uninteresting to yourself, it will not appear so to your "friends, who have never visited that country, for "they will be entertained by it."

The following observations were the result of this advice; they were written upon the several spots to which they refer; and were intended for no other purpose, than that of serving as memorandums. They appeared, by the time I returned to Europe, according to the gentleman's prediction, so very familiar to me, that I scarcely thought them deserving of the perusal of my friends. Some of these, however, were so obliging as to bestow upon them that trouble; and it is by their advice, and the consideration of the present critical situation of affairs, that I now submit them to the judgment of the public.-Whatever may be their merit, which I fear is but small, I can assure the reader of one thing, I believe they are generally true. They are the fruit of the most impartial inquiries, and best intelligence, that I was able to procure in the different colonies which I visited. If I have been led into any error, or have misrepresented any thing, it has been undesignedly: a spirit of party is universally prevalent in America, and it is not always an easy matter to arrive at the knowledge of truth; but I believe, in general, I have been pretty successful. I conversed indiscriminately with persons of all parties; and endeavoured, by allowing for prejudices and collating their different accounts, to get at the true one. If I have any doubt myself about any particular part of the following observations (and it is one in which I wish I may be found to have been misinformed), it is that which relates to the character of the Rhode Islanders. I was exceedingly ill at that place, and had not the same opportunity of procuring information as elsewhere. I conversed with but few gentlemen, and they were principally of one party; but they were gentlemen of such universal good character, that I could not but rely in some measure on the accounts with which they favoured me. Some allowance, however, I did make for prejudice; and I am desirous that the reader should make a still larger one; indeed, I should be happy to stand corrected in regard to what I have said of that people, as no one can have less pleasure in speaking unfavourably of mankind than myself.

I have studiously avoided all technical or scientific terms; such to the informed reader are unnecessary, to the uninformed one they are unintelligible and perplexing: in relations of this kind they have always an appearance of affectation and pedantry.

For the most valuable part of the following collection, I mean the Diary of the Weather, I am entirely indebted to my esteemed friend, Francis Fauquier, esq., son of the late worthy lieutenant-governor of Virginia, who very obligingly transmitted it to me from Williamsburg, while I resided, as chaplain to the British factory, at Leghorn; and has allowed me to make the use of it which I have here done.

The present unhappy differences subsisting amongst us, with regard to America, will, I am sensible, expose the publication of this account to much censure and criticism; but I can truly aver, that I have been led to it by no party motive whatsoever. My first attachment, as it is natural, is to my native country; my next is to America; and such is my affection for both, that I hope nothing will ever happen to dissolve that union, which is necessary to their common happiness. Let every Englishman and American, but for a moment or two, substitute themselves in each other's place, and, I think, a mode of reconciliation will soon take effect. Every American will then perceive the reasonableness of acknowledging the supremacy of the British legislature; and every Englishman, perhaps, the hardship of being taxed where there is no representation, or assent.

There is scarcely any such thing, I believe, as a perfect government; and solecisms are to be found in all. The present disputes are seemingly the result of one.-Nothing can be more undeniable than the supremacy of Parliament over the most distant branches of the British Empire: for although the king being esteemed, in the eye of the law, the original proprietor of all the lands in the kingdom; all lands, upon defect of heirs to succeed to an inheritance, escheat to the king; and all new discovered lands vest in him: yet in neither case can he exempt them from the jurisdiction of the legislature of the kingdom.

He may grant them, under leases or charters, to individuals or companies, with liberty of making rules and regulations for the internal government and improvement of them; but such regulations must ever be consistent with the laws of the kingdom, and subject to their control.

On the other hand, I am extremely dubious, whether it be consistent with the general principles of liberty (with those of the British constitution I think it is not) to tax where there is no representation: the arguments hitherto adduced from Manchester and Birmingham, and other great towns, not having representatives, are foreign to the subject; at least they are by no means equal to it;-for every inhabitant, possessed of forty shillings freehold, has a vote in the election of members for the county: but it is not the persons, but the property of men that is taxed, and there is not a foot of property in this kingdom that is not represented.

It appears then, that certain principles exist in the British constitution, which militate with each other; the reason of their doing so is evident; it was never supposed that they would extend beyond the limits of Great Britain, or affect so distant a country as America. It is much to be wished, therefore, that some expedient could be thought of to reconcile them.

The conduct of the several administrations that have had the direction of the affairs of this kingdom, has been reciprocally arraigned; but, I think, without reason, for, all things considered, an impartial and dispassionate mind will find many excuses to allege in justification of each.-The fewest, I am afraid, are to be pleaded in favour of the Americans; for they settled in America under charters which expressly reserved to the British Parliament the authority, whether consistent or not consistent, now asserted. Although, therefore, they had a right to make humble representations to his majesty in Parliament, and to shew the impropriety and inconvenience of enforcing such principles, yet they had certainly no right to oppose them.

Expedients may still be found, it is to be hoped however, to conciliate the present unhappy differences, and restore harmony again between Great Britain and her colonies, but whatever measures may be adopted by Parliament, it is the duty and interest of America to submit.-But it is impertinent to enter any further into the discussion of a subject which is at this time under the deliberation of the supreme council of the nation. I will, therefore, conclude with a sincere prayer, that whatever measures may be adopted, they may be different in their issue from what the fears of men generally lead them to preconceive; and that, if they be coercive ones, they may be enforced, which, I am persuaded, is practicable, without the effusion of blood: if lenient ones, which are preferable, and which I think equally practicable, conceded without any loss or diminution of the dignity or interest of this kingdom.

Greenwich, Jan. 29th, 1775.

TRAVELS THROUGH THE MIDDLE SENTIMENTS OF NORTH AMERICA

 ***

ON Friday the 27th of April, 1759, I embarked, in company with several North American gentlemen, on board the Dispatch, Captain Necks, for Virginia; and the next day we set sail from Spithead, under convoy of his majesty's ship the Lynn, Captain Sterling, commander, with thirty-three sail of trading vessels. We came to an anchor in the evening in Yarmouth Road, and the next day sailed with a fresh easterly wind through the Needles.

April 30. We passed by the Lizard, and in the evening discovered a sail, which proved to be an English sloop laden with corn. She had been taken by a French privateer, and was steering for France: there were three Frenchmen and one Englishman on board. The commodore sent some hands to her, with orders to carry her to Penzance.

May I. Thick, hazy weather with a fair wind. A large ship passed through the fleet about four o'clock in the afternoon: and in the evening another vessel bore down upon the sternmost ships, and spoke with them.

May 2. Fair, pleasant weather. The next day we found by our reckoning that we had made a hundred leagues from the Land's End.

May 4. Strong, violent gales at north-and-by-west. In the evening the Molly, Captain Chew, had her maintop-mast carried away, and hoisted a signal of distress.

May 5. From this time to the 14th, nothing remarkable happened: the wind was seldom fair, but the weather being moderate, we made frequent visits, and passed our time very agreeably.

May 14. Captain Necks fell ill of a fever, and continued indisposed several days: he began to mend about the 17th.

May 19. In the afternoon, a sudden and violent squall from the north-west obliged us to lie-to under our reefed main-sail: it continued to increase, and blew a storm for about thirty-six hours, when it began to moderate.

May 21. We made sail in the afternoon, with four ships in company; and the next day in the evening were joined by eighteen more. From that time to the 28th, nothing remarkable happened: we had generally pleasant weather, but adverse winds. We frequently visited; and were much entertained with seeing grampuses, turtles, bonetas, porpoises, flying and other fish, common in the Atlantic. [1]

May 28. We discovered a large sail; she directed her course towards the east. We supposed her to be an English man of war going express. She carried three top-gallant sails.

May 31. We spoke with a sloop bound from Antigua to London. She acquainted the commodore with the agreeable news of his majesty's forces at Guadaloupe having reduced that whole island under subjection to the British government. The wind still continued unfavourable.

June 5. We spoke with a snow from Carolina which informed the commodore that a French frigate was cruising off the capes of Virginia. From that time to the 11th, we had nothing remarkable. The wind was generally from west to north-west, and there were frequent squalls with lightning. We saw several bonetas, grampuses, albicores, and fish of different kinds.

June 11. The water appeared discoloured; and we concluded that we were upon the Banks of Newfoundland: we cast the lead, but found no ground. The weather was thick and hazy. Nothing remarkable happened from this time to the 3rd of July: we had pleasant weather, though now and then squalls with lightning. We fell in with several currents and had variable winds.

July 3. We had fine weather, with a gentle breeze at N. W. We were now, according to the commodore's reckoning (which we afterward found to be true) about sixty leagues from land. The air was richly scented with the fragrance of the pine-trees.

July 4. We saw a great many sloops, from whence we imagined that we were near the coast. The wind was at east-by-north.

July 5. About six in the morning we caught some green fish: upon this we sounded, and found eighteen fathom water. At ten we discovered land, which proved to be Cape Charles; and about three hours afterward sailed through the capes into Chesapeake Bay. The commodore took his leave to go upon a cruise; and at eight in the evening we came to an anchor in York river, after a tedious and disagreeable voyage of almost ten weeks.

The next morning, having hired a chaise at York, a small inconsiderable town, I went to Williamsburg, about twelve miles distant. The road is exceedingly pleasant, through some of the finest tobacco plantations[2] in North America, with a beautiful view of the river and woods of great extent.

Williamsburg is the capital of Virginia: it is situated between two creeks, one falling into James, the other into York river; and is built nearly due east and west.[3] The distance of each landing-place is something more than a mile from the town; which, with the disadvantage of not being able to bring up large vessels, is the reason of its not having increased so fast as might have been expected. It consists of about two hundred houses, does not contain more than one thousand souls, whites and negroes; and is far from being a place of any consequence. It is regularly laid out in parallel streets, intersected by others at right angles; has a handsome square in the center, through which runs the principal street, one of the most spacious in North America, three quarters of a mile in length, and above a hundred feet wide. At the opposite ends of this street are two public buildings, the college and the capitol: and although the houses are of wood, covered with shingles, [4] and but indifferently built, the whole makes a handsome appearance. There are few public edifices that deserve to be taken notice of; those, which I have mentioned, are the principal; and they are far from being magnificent. The governor's palace is tolerably good, one of the best upon the continent; but the church, the prison, and the other buildings, are all of them extremely indifferent. The streets are not paved, and are consequently very dusty, the soil hereabout consisting chiefly of sand: however, the situation of Williamsburg has one advantage which few or no places in these lower parts have, that of being free from mosquitoes. Upon the whole, it is an agreeable residence; there are ten or twelve gentlemen's families constantly residing in it, besides merchants and tradesmen: and at the times of the assemblies, and general courts, it is crowded with the gentry of the country: on those occasions there are balls and other amusements; but as soon as the business is finished, they return to their plantations; and the town is in a manner deserted.[5]

The situation of Virginia (according to Evans's map) is between the 36th and 40th degree of north lat. and about 76 degrees west long. from London. [6] It is bounded on the north by the river Potomac, on the east by the Atlantic Ocean, by Carolina on the south, and, to include only what is inhabited, by the great Alleghany on the west. [7]

The climate is extremely fine, though subject to violent heats in the summer: Fahrenheit's thermometer being generally for three months from 85 to 95 degrees high. The other seasons, however, make ample amends for this inconvenience: for the autumns and springs are delightful; and the winters are so mild and serene (though there are now and then excessively cold days) as scarcely to require a fire. The only complaint that a person can reasonably make, is, of the very sudden changes to which the weather is liable; for this being entirely regulated by the winds, is exceedingly variable. Southerly winds are productive of heat, northerly of cold, and easterly of rain; whence it is no uncommon thing for the thermometer to fall many degrees in a very few hours; and, after a warm day to have such severe cold as to freeze over a river a mile broad in one night's time. [8]