Pirates: A History E-Book

Tim Travers

• Herausgeber: The History Press
• Kategorie: Geisteswissenschaft
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 613

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2012

Beschreibung

More than just a history of the real 'pirates of the Caribbean', Pirates: A History explores piracy from ancient times to the present day, from the bloodthirsty Viking raiders who terrorised northern Europe to the legendary female Chinese pirate of the 1920s, Lai Choi San. In this history we see how thin the line was between a royally chartered privateer and a pirate, most notably epitomised by Francis Drake. Then there were the Renegades: Europeans captured by the Barbary corsairs who converted to Islam and became pirate captains in their own right. Some were simply cut-throat drunkards, but many pirate ships were run on surprisingly progressive, democratic principles. The 'golden age' of piracy is examined afresh and the colourful characters of the era brought to life. Accounts of Blackbeard, Black Barty and William Kidd illustrate the truth behind the legends of the Jolly Roger.

Leseprobe

Cover illustrations: (front) Captain Kent – the romantic image of a pirate aptain, as imagined by Howard Pyle, the American illustrator, who did more than any other individual to imprint on the modern mind what a pirate looked like. Author’s collection; (spine) skull and cross bones taken from a Howard Pyle illustration. Author’s collection; (back) a version of the Jolly Roger flag, c. 1704. Courtesy of Joel Baer.

Contents

Acknowledgments

1 The Pirate World

2 From Classical Piracy to the Medieval Mediterranean

3 Piracy in the Northern World

4 The Elizabethan Sea Rovers and the Jacobean Pirates

5 Buccaneers of the Caribbean

6 The Madagascar Men

7 Death to the Pirates

8 The Barbary Corsairs of North Africa

9 Pirates of the Eastern Seas

10 The Road to Modern Piracy

Epilogue

Abbreviations

Definitions

List of Illustrations

Maps

Notes

Bibliography

Acknowledgments

Any attempt to write a history of piracy must gratefully rely on numerous authors and selected archives. These are listed in the bibliography, but special thanks are due to the librarians and archivists of the British Library, London; the Public Record Office, Kew; and the National Maritime Museum, Greenwich. Valuable, too, was the inter library loan office at the University of Victoria, as were the students of my pirate history seminar at the University of Victoria. Many thanks are also due to those who generously supplied lodging and hospitality in England, especially Patricia Rogers, and Jo and Charles Cumberlege. Others who kindly helped along the way with information and encouragement include Chris Archer, Peter Fothergill-Payne, Richard Unger, and Patrick Wright. Thanks also to Jonathan Reeve, publisher, for his patience as the manuscript went over the time limit. Most of all, Heather gave up much of her time to solve all computer problems, and thanks to her, the manuscript and the author both survived. Of course, all errors are due to the author alone.

1

The Pirate World

The ‘golden age’ of piracy in the West lasted from the 1680s to the 1720s, and during this time some 5,000 pirates roamed the seas. Who were these pirates? A great many were sailors who became unemployed after major European wars ended. Others came from the hard grind and exploitation of the Newfoundland fishery. Still other pirate recruits came from ships that pirates captured, and whose crews either volunteered or were forced to join. This was especially the case with captured slave ships, where conditions for the crew, let alone the miserable slaves, were brutal. And many African slaves also joined as willing or unwilling pirates. Then there were indentured servants from the colonies who found their lives unendurable and were happy to try piracy. Many individuals went ‘on account’ as pirates simply to improve their lot in life, and others were attracted by the promise of wealth that could not be obtained in any other way. Some perhaps joined pirate crews for political or ideological reasons, and democracy did generally rule on pirate ships. Merchant and navy ships were notorious for poor conditions and bad treatment, and so sailors from these ships often decided to try their luck with pirate ships. In fact, mutinies on merchant ships in particular were often caused by lack of provisions and tardiness in paying their crews, so that most of the crew would turn pirate. Altogether there were many reasons to become a pirate at this time, and there was always the lure of treasure to attract men unhappy with low wages and poverty stricken lives.

How then to enter the world of the pirates of the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries? One way is to listen to what they said about themselves. A good start is an early eighteenth-century mock trial, in which a group of pirates pretended to put themselves in court in order to both criticize and make fun of the judicial system of the day:

Attorn. Gen: An’t please your Lordship, and you Gentlemen of the Jury, here is a Fellow before you that is a sad Dog, a sad sad Dog; & I humbly hope your Lordship will order him to be hanged out of the Way immediately. He has committed Pyracy upon the High Seas, and we shall prove, an’t please your Lordship, that this Fellow, this sad Dog before you, has escaped a thousand Storms, nay, has got safe ashore when the Ship has been cast away, which was a certain Sign he was not born to be drown’d; yet not having the Fear of hanging before his Eyes, he went on robbing & ravishing, Man, Woman and Child, plundering Ships Cargoes fore and aft, burning and sinking Ship, Bark and Boat, as if the Devil had been in him. But that is not all, my Lord, he has committed worse Villanies than all these, for we shall prove, that he has been guilty of drinking Small-Beer; and your Lordship knows, there never was a sober Fellow but what was a Rogue. My Lord, I should have spoken much finer than I do now, but that, as your Lordship knows our Rum is all out, and how should a Man speak good Law that has not drunk a Dram. However, I hope your Lordship will order the Fellow to be hang’d.

Judge: Heark’ee me sirrah, you lousy, pitiful, ill-look’d Dog; what have you to say why you should not be tuck’d up immediately, and set a Sundrying like a Scare-crow? Are you guilty or not guilty?

Pris[oner]: Not guilty, an’t please your Worship.1

This mock trial gives an insight into the humour, as well as the fears, of the pirates. This skit was performed on an island off Cuba in 1722 by a pirate crew commanded by Captain Anstis, and recorded by Captain Charles Johnson, the eighteenth-century historian of piracy. The pirates well knew that they had committed or were about to commit crimes that would result in the hanging of many of them, or at the least produce an untimely death of some kind. So this mock trial was a way of getting over their fear of hanging by making fun of it, and at the same time showing a defiance of the law in pursuing their piratical ways regardless.

Captain Charles Johnson’s book is one of the key sources for Western piracy in the Golden Age of piracy from the 1680s to the 1720s. Entitled A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pyrates, it was first published in 1724, and subsequently in several further editions. Unfortunately, no one knows who Captain Charles Johnson was, since this name was a pseudonym, although some older authorities consider Johnson might have been the author Daniel Defoe. Some wonder if Johnson was the playwright Charles Johnson (1679–1748), who did write a play called The Successful Pirate, while still others consider that Johnson must have been a sailor or even a pirate, judging from his inside knowledge of the sea and his connections to many pirates. Whoever he was, Johnson’s book contains biographies of many of the most famous pirates of the day such as Avery (or Every), Blackbeard (or Teach), Rackam, Roberts, Kidd, and the two female pirates, Mary Read and Anne Bonny. By cross checking with documents from the English High Court of the Admiralty, Colonial Office records, trial reports, and other official sources, it seems that Johnson was generally quite accurate, although details were sometimes wrong, and speeches were probably mostly invented.2

The world of the pirates has been explored in a large number of books, but the present volume tries to extend the time and space of piracy by going back to classical and medieval piracy and forward to modern piracy, while also widening the search to include Asian and South Asian piracy. Yet the greatest volume of archival and other resources easily available relates to the period from about 1600 onward in regard to Caribbean, Atlantic and Pacific piracy, and so a number of chapters deal with this area. First hand accounts of this period are particularly useful, and some are to be found in the British Library, London. Yet our modern image of the pirate is very strongly formed not from archives or from modern books, but by one or two late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century children’s books, by the lurid illustrations of the American Howard Pyle at the turn of the century, and by the cinema.

Undoubtedly the most influential children’s book is by Robert Louis Stevenson, whose Treasure Island, published in 1883, introduced some memorable fictional pirate characters, such as Long John Silver, Blind Pew, Ben Gunn, and Israel Hands, the last being the name of a real pirate. Stevenson had read Charles Johnson and this accounts for the authentic pirate ‘feel’ to the book. Treasure Island continues to be read and republished, and introduces the strange concept that murderous pirates are especially suitable for children’s literature. This must be explained partly because we are no longer frightened of piracy, which has retreated to the periphery of the world. Thus piracy belongs to an imaginary world rather than a real world, and so pirate stories can safely be read by children. The children’s theme continued with the highly successful drama of Peter Pan, or The Boy Who Wouldn’t Grow Up, by another Scotsman, J.M. Barrie, which was produced in 1902. This play introduced Captain Hook, whose image is based partly on the pirate Blackbeard. Hook is the unpleasant leader of a group of pirates, who pursue a number of children. Once more, the situation is potentially frightening, but is resolved through magical means, and children can feel safe watching the play.3

Pirate books for children continue to be published, such as the Pirate Hunter series for teenagers, and it is the combination of exotic locations, daring adventures, and pirates who are on the social boundaries of society like outlaws and highwaymen, who are a suitable distance from real pirates, which make these stories popular.4 Some of these books are illustrated with the work of the American author and illustrator, Howard Pyle, who produced a very romantic image of the pirate, which has now become the standard of what a seventeenth- or eighteenth-century pirate really looked like. Pyle’s pirates are shown doing both imagined and genuine pirate activities, such as forcing captives to walk the plank, pirates being marooned, pirate craft sneaking up on ships, pirates torturing prisoners to force them to reveal where their wealth is, pirates fighting pirates, pirates burying treasure, and evil looking pirates like William Kidd.5 Meanwhile, there has been a surprising resurgence in scholarly pirate historiography in the last dozen years or so, some of which might have been stimulated by the emergence of modern piracy, and others perhaps by the creation of a new genre of pirate film.6

Pirate films generally fit into four overlapping categories. First, the ‘Swashbuckler’ style of film, starring actors such as Errol Flynn and Douglas Fairbanks, in films such as Captain Blood (1924, 1935), based on the novel by Rafael Sabatini, published in 1923; The Black Pirate (1926); and The Black Swan (1942), another film based on a Sabatini novel published in 1932. The theme in these films tends to be the misunderstood pirate who eventually turns out well, but the central image is the handsome, charismatic, bare-chested, cutlass swinging, dare devil of a pirate, carefree, and yet caring of his men and usually a woman. The second film category would be the ‘patriotic’ pirate film, in which the pirate hero wages war against an unpleasant enemy of his country. Examples include The Sea Hawk (1924, 1942), based on yet another early Sabatini novel published in 1915, with the enemy being nasty Spain, a frequent antagonist, as in The Spanish Main (1945). Then there is The Buccaneer (1938, 1958), about the American pirate Jean Laffite, who helps the Americans against the British at the Battle of New Orleans. The third film category relates to pirate parodies and comedies, which poke fun at the stock characters and themes of the swashbuckling and patriotic era. Needless to say, this genre requires an established set of pirate characters and films to parody, and also signals that the original pirate genre is now tired and seriously in need of new directions. The comedy genre started around the 1940s, with films such as The Princess and the Pirate (1944), starring Bob Hope, and continued with many more recent films such as Abbott and Costello Meet Captain Kidd (1952) and The Crimson Pirate (1952). These films often include an evil Spanish governor or similar unpleasant tyrant, and the required female interest. The newest example of this genre is The Pirates of the Caribbean series which is mainly a parody, but contains a certain amount of swashbuckling, and a love interest. Lastly, a fourth category is the children’s film. Following the previously mentioned connection between piracy and children’s literature, a number of children’s films have been released, starting with many versions of Treasure Island (1920, 1934, 1950, 1972, 1990). The children’s film Long John Silver appeared in 1954, and, as might be expected, Peter Pan was also turned into a film, in 1953, and again in 1991 under the title Hook. Peter Pan also became a musical in 1954 and a television adaptation in 1976. In some ways, The Pirates of the Caribbean films are also children’s films, while the Gilbert and Sullivan musical/opera, The Pirates of Penzance (1983), really also belongs to the parody genre.

Overall, in regard to film, the swashbuckling and patriotic style pirate films held sway from the 1920s to the 1950s, then these genres ran out of steam, and were replaced to a considerable extent by parodies and comedies. These too seemed to have run their course until The Pirates of the Caribbean series, which managed to breathe new life into the pirate film with a mixture of swashbuckling, comedy, science fiction, and a dash of children’s entertainment. One point is worth making before leaving the topic of the cinema, and this is that the handsome type of pirate portrayed by film stars such as Errol Flynn is rather far from reality. In contrast, for example, the real pirate John James is described in 1699 as ‘a man of middle Stature, Square-Shouldered, Large jointed, Lean, much disfigured with the small pox, broad Speech, thick Lipped, a blemish or Cast in his left Eye …’ A descriptive selection of a list of pirates, who ran away with the ship Adventure in September 1698, is described thus, so that they could be identified if captured:

John Lloyde: of Ordinary Stature, raw boned, very pale Complexion, darke hair, remarkably deformed by an Attraction of the Lower Eyelid.

John Peirce: Short, well sett, swarthy, much pockfretten.

Andrew Martin: Short, thick great lipps, black bushey hair.

Tho Simpson: Short and Small, black, much squint eyed. 7

And so on. All of these pirates were quite young, in the fifteen to thirty-five age bracket. Many had eye problems, and some were marked by small pox or other diseases. However, as might be expected from their rough backgrounds and life styles, seventeenth- and eighteenth-century pirates were not quite like those portrayed in the modern cinema. What then was the real pirate world like?

Democracy

Among Western pirates in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, a very significant aspect of their lives was the concept of democracy onboard a pirate ship. The pirates did not call it democracy, but they were well aware that the rules, written and unwritten, which they lived under as pirates, were very different from the regimented and hierarchical lives of sailors onboard merchant and naval vessels. Some pirate captains introduced specific rules for living onboard, such as the rules of Captain Bart Roberts, Captain Phillips and Captain Lowther. These rules laid out four basic areas of pirate conduct: the system of division of treasure among the officers and crew; the regulation of life aboard the ship; the reward system for those injured in engagements; and the punishments for infringements of the rules. Every man that came aboard a pirate ship where these rules were followed had to sign articles, usually on a bible, to show that he agreed to obey these rules. It is of interest that Roberts produced twelve rules, Lowther eight, and Phillips nine.

Roberts tended to be stricter, tougher and more of a disciplinarian than other captains, which perhaps accounts for the larger number of his rules. Thus Roberts had rules to forbid dicing and gambling for money, which was a frequent cause of trouble onboard pirate ships, a rule that candles and lights were to be out at eight o’clock at night, though drinking could carry on after this on the open deck, and a rule to prevent boys or women being brought onboard. Roberts also had rules that demanded the crew keep their pistols and cutlasses in good order, that musicians onboard should be able to rest on the Sabbath, but for the other six days and nights be ready to play, and a rule that no crew member should talk of breaking up their way of living until each man was able to share £1,000. This last rule was designed to offset the perennial problem of pirate voyages, when some pirates wanted to end the voyage with what they had, and others wanted to continue. Other rules related to duels as a method of dealing with conflict onboard, and a rule outlining punishments both for pirates leaving their station in battle, and for deserting the ship, which last was a problem when a group might try to take over a ship and depart, or when an individual might desert and perhaps inform the authorities. Then there was the usual rule for distributing treasure, and for compensating those who were wounded in battle. Of significance is Roberts’ first rule, which spelled out the democratic intent of the pirate life:

Every Man has a Vote in Affairs of Moment; has equal Title to the fresh Provisions, or strong Liquors, at any Time seized, & use them at pleasure, unless a Scarcity make it necessary, for the good of all, to Vote a Retrenchment.8

In actual fact, not every one had a vote, since men who were forced to join a pirate crew were judged unreliable, and were narrowly watched by the old hands. Certain officers such as the surgeon were often compelled to join a pirate ship and were also thought to be less enthusiastic. Of course, rules were all very well, but enforcing them, and having pirates obey them, was not an easy matter in an equal democracy. In Roberts’ case, he was able to hold his crew together for four years. This was no mean feat, although some crew did desert him, and there was too much drinking, which in the end left Roberts’ ships vulnerable when the Royal Navy caught up with them. Captain Lowther’s eight rules were very much the same, except that there were fewer rules regarding conduct onboard, and the last two rules spelled out particulars. Lowther’s rule number seven stated, ‘Good Quarters be given when called for’, presumably to save the lives of those victims that wanted to surrender, and rule number eight stated that the first pirate to see a sail should have the best pistol or small arm onboard the victim. Lowther’s rules did not prevent much dissension onboard his ships, and he was also accused of cruelty. Lowther’s ship was eventually caught while the crew was careening it (cleaning the bottom of the hull of barnacles and weed), and Lowther either shot himself ashore, or was shot by a fellow pirate.9

Captain Phillips’ articles were again much the same as those laid out by Roberts. Thus there was one for the safety of the ship, which forbade firing arms onboard, or smoking in the hold without a cap to the pipe, or carrying a lighted candle without a safety case. If this happened, the perpetrator should receive Moses’ Law – 40 stripes, lacking one, on the bare back. Phillips’ articles included the usual threat against those wanting to run away – and Phillips killed two men that attempted this, while keeping a secret from the company was also a crime. These last two crimes were to be punished by marooning, a favourite punishment of the pirates, though it seems not to have happened very often. Phillips’ last rule forbade the pirates from molesting a ‘prudent Woman’ without her consent, which would be punished by death. It is not clear if this rule was obeyed, and one of Phillips’ crew, when about to be hung, did bewail his lack of chastity. The end of Phillips’ career was rather gruesome because seven captives onboard from several of his piracies combined to overthrow the pirate crew, and Phillips was hit with a mallet which broke his jaw, and he was then battered to death with a carpenter’s adze. Subsequently, Phillips’ head was cut off, pickled, and hung from the masthead.10

These rules show what the pirate captains intended rather than what actually happened, but there was a definite appeal to real equality and democracy. In this regard, Charles Johnson expanded on the customs of the pirate way of life. Firstly, Johnson pointed to the role of the quartermaster, who was a kind of civil magistrate onboard, carrying out punishment for minor problems by ‘drubbing or whipping’ the trouble maker. The quartermaster was a sort of trustee for the whole ship’s company, and also was first onboard any prize, and organized the division of spoils. Next, Johnson wrote of the captain’s powers onboard, which partly depended on the kind of man he was. Roberts was a strong captain, but even he found that he needed to use a small group of insiders to help him rule. By pirate tradition, the captain was only permitted to be captain by the will of the crew, and could be deposed at any time. But a pirate captain had certain rights, ‘The captain’s power is uncontrollable in chase, or in battle, drubbing, cutting, or even shooting any one who dares to deny his command.’ This meant that it was during battle that the captain had total power. Similarly, the captain reserved the right to deal with prisoners in any way he saw fit. Otherwise, for example, when deciding where to sail, the crew would vote on this, and would also vote on whether to attack a particular ship or place onshore. Thus the captain had very few privileges, except perhaps a better cabin than others, and a higher percentage of the treasure captured. Needless to say, some captains ruled by fear, some were quickly deposed, and some were able to retain command for the short period they usually had before their piracy came to an end.11

The question of the origins of pirate democracy is much debated. Essentially, did this life of democracy come about for practical reasons, or was there an ideological element to it? Certainly, pirates had no wish to live under the kind of rough justice they experienced onboard merchant and navy ships, and certainly there was a rejection of the hierarchical social world the pirates came from. Beyond this, there is the often quoted speech by Samuel Bellamy, a pirate captain, who reportedly wanted to marry a certain Maria Hallett of Eastham, Massachusetts, but her parents wanted a wealthier man. So Bellamy went to sea looking for shipwrecks to recover valuables from, and turned to piracy when he could not find any wrecks. Ironically, Bellamy drowned in 1717 when he was captain of the captured slave ship Whydah, which struck a sand bar. Before this happened, Johnson either invented or paraphrased a speech in which Bellamy addressed the captain of a sloop he had just captured:

…you are a sneaking puppy, and so are all those who will submit to be governed by laws which rich men have made for their own security, for the cowardly whelps have not the courage otherwise to defend what they get by their knavery; but ___ ye altogether; ___ them for a pack of crafty rascals, and you, who serve them, for a parcel of hen-hearted numskulls. They vilify us, the scoundrels do, when there is only this difference, they rob the poor under the cover of law, forsooth, and we plunder the rich under the protection of our own courage.

Bellamy asked the captured captain to join his crew, but the captain refused, so Bellamy started off again:

You are a devilish conscience rascal … I am a free prince, and I have as much authority to make war on the whole world, as he who has a hundred sail of ships at sea, and an army of 100,000 men in the field; and this my conscience tells me: but there is no arguing with such snivelling puppies, who allow superiors to kick them around at pleasure.12

It is hard to say how accurate this speech is. It may reflect Johnson’s attitude as much as Bellamy’s, but it is very likely that many pirates harboured similar anti-establishment views. Hence, Bart Roberts compared the miserable life of underfed and mistreated merchant sailors to the wonderful possibilities that could happen with piracy, and frequently drank the following toast, ‘D__n to him who ever lived to wear a halter.’13

These anti-establishment views can be seen in the clothes the pirates wore, for example, ‘Calico Jack’ Rackam, whose shirts opposed the sumptuary (anti-extravagance) laws of the time, or Bart Roberts’ fine clothes, or the gold chain and gold toothpick that the pirate John James happily wore round his neck.14 Then there was the free spending, normally the activity of a gentleman of means, by newly enriched pirates, who drank, caroused, gambled, and threw money away recklessly. Other anti-establishment attitudes came through in the brutal treatment of unpopular merchant captains and officers as revenge when they were captured, for example, the pirate Philip Lyne claimed to have killed thirty-seven masters. Conversely there was better treatment if the individual had been a kindly captain, as happened to William Snelgrave when his ship was taken at Sierra Leone. The pirates were about to dispatch Snelgrave when one of his crew pushed forward and said, ‘For God’s sake don’t kill our captain, for we were never with a better man.’ This was enough to spare Snelgrave.15 On the other hand, pirates often wanted to make themselves gentlemen through the simple means of getting enough wealth to act as gentlemen. So in 1721, one pirate crew made a rich haul of some 9,000 pounds sterling from a valuable ship, enough to make them ‘gentlemen of fortune’, while the pirate Captain Howel Davis tried to entice the crew of the captured ship Princess to join him, saying ‘he would make gentlemen of them all’ if they would join his crew. And it is the case that the great majority of pirates, when they were not forced, and when they did not mutiny for lack of food or pay, set out to improve their lives by obtaining material goods and wealth if they possibly could. And some pirate treasure was remarkably large, as in the loot of the French pirate Jean Hamlin, who sent ashore in 1683 as much gold dust as could be carried by eight slaves, plus 150 pigs of silver and 120 bags of coins.16

Africans Onboard Pirate Ships

Yet there was one component of almost all pirate crews which normally did not share in the democracy onboard, and this was the African slaves. Many Africans were captured when slave ships were taken by pirates off the coast of West Africa, or on the way to the Caribbean and the Americas. It is well known that when Roberts’ ships were taken by the Royal Navy in 1722 somewhere between 70 and 75 Africans were also captured, having served on Roberts’ fleet. The question to be asked in Roberts’ case is whether these Africans were forced, or were volunteers, and in general, one can say that they were forced into working on his ships. Partly for this reason, no African slaves from Roberts’ ships were executed, and instead they were sold into further slavery. On the other hand, when a member of Roberts’ crew testified at his trial, he said that two Africans with loaded pistols forced the crew of a ship at St Christopher to sign ships’ articles. In this situation, these two Africans were probably willing participants. On another occasion, a privateer turned pirate was blocked in the port of Soulière, near St Augustine, in 1700, by the Royal Navy ship Lizard, which found there were 400 blacks in arms onboard the privateer. These Africans were evidently active pirates.17 It is also known that onboard Blackbeard’s ship in his last fight there was an African named Black Caesar, ‘a resolute fellow, a Negro who he [Blackbeard] had brought up, [entrusted] with a lighted match in the powder room with commands to blow up when he should give him orders.’ Black Caesar duly attempted to blow up the ship but was prevented by others onboard. When the trial of Blackbeard’s pirates was held, Black Caesar refused to bargain with the authorities, although four other African pirates did try to turn state’s evidence. However, black slaves were not allowed to testify by law in South Carolina, and in the end Black Caesar, and the other four African pirates, were hung along with the rest of Blackbeard’s crew.18

Another incident involving Africans occurred in 1721 when Richard Taylor and a large number of pirates at Madagascar decided to go and try and seek a pardon in the West Indies. An eye witness recorded that, ‘… thereupon the sd. Richard Taylor with a hundred & twelve white men & forty Blacks voted to go to the West Indies and came onboard the Cassandra …’ This sounds as though the forty Africans had the choice of a vote, and could decide whether to continue piracy or seek a pardon. On the other hand, Africans were frequently forced onboard pirate ships, and had no choice. Their normal fate on a pirate ship was to do the hard labour. Yet some Africans were no doubt happy to have escaped transportation as slaves, and were willing to join the pirate crew as active participants.19

Marooned!

Democracy onboard pirate ships relied partly on adherence to the articles or rules drawn up by captain and crew. Marooning was one of the punishments decreed by Bart Roberts, yet the word itself had a different history from the commonly understood practice of abandoning individuals on desert islands. Initially, the word ‘maroon’ was derived from the word for escaped African slaves, who often fought against the Spanish, and were called ‘cimarrones’. The French and English reduced this word to ‘maroons’. By the 1660s, Caribbean pirates called themselves ‘marooners’, because of their occasional practice of marooning victims, while sometimes those marooned were the pirates themselves.

An example of pirates calling themselves marooners is that of Thomas Lawrence Jones and his associates. Jones gave a long story to the High Court of the Admiralty in 1723 that explained how he eventually came to be a marooner. Jones’ account starts with him serving on a ship called the Merrie in 1720, when it was taken off the Guinea coast by the pirate Howel Davis. Soon after, Davis was killed, and Bartholomew Roberts became captain. Jones claimed that he and 14 others were forced to join Roberts’ ship, the Ranger. Subsequently, some ships were captured by Roberts, and then a sloop was taken, which was named the Good Fortune. Jones claimed that he was forced to sign articles on the Good Fortune by two ‘Negroes with loaded pistols’. Now occurred a violent episode that Jones did not relate in his testimony, in which he had a fight with Roberts over the death of a friend who had been killed by Roberts because this friend, in a drunken state, had insulted Roberts. According to Charles Johnson, Roberts ran Jones through with his sword, but Jones fought back and severely beat Roberts as he was pinned underneath a cannon. Jones recovered from his wound, but was given a severe whipping by the crew of the Good Fortune, who administered two lashes per crew member on the unfortunate Jones. Jones resented this treatment, and resolved to desert Roberts, which he achieved by sailing away at night with other malcontents on a captured brigantine under the command of Captain Anstis. Now, finally, according to Jones, these deserters from Roberts resolved ‘to live a marooning life – till they would have an answer to a Petition to his Majestie for a Pardon …’20 So Jones and his shipmates captured two more ships, in one of which they sailed to ‘a marooning Key …’ According to Johnson, this Key was an uninhabited island off the south-west coast of Cuba called Rattan. (This island, actually called Roatan, is close to what is now Honduras.) This petition from Anstis’ crew was signed in ‘round robin’ fashion, to prevent the detection of ring leaders, and Johnson records the petition in full. It essentially condemns Roberts as wicked, while Anstis, Jones, and the rest of the crew sought a better life for themselves. Meanwhile, Anstis, Jones, and the rest of the pirates took a number of French, Spanish and English ships, lived a ‘maroon’ life on Rattan [Roatan] and other islands for eight months, and sent a second petition. No answer coming to their appeals, Jones and eighteen others eventually left off pirating and sailed to England and dispersed, living free for eight months before being captured. Johnson notes that Jones later died in London’s Marshalsea prison.21

Turning from marooners to ships’ articles, it is well known that some pirate captains in the early eighteenth century required their crews to sign these articles, which usually included marooning as a punishment for various crimes against the crew. Thus Captain Phillips’ articles on the Revenge, in 1723, included three articles that mentioned marooning. Article 2 read, ‘If any Man shall offer to run away, or keep any secret from the Company, he shall be marooned, with one Bottle of Powder, and Bottle of Water, one small Arm, and Shot.’ Article 3 read, ‘If any Man shall steal any Thing in the Company, or Game, to the value of a Piece of Eight, he shall be maroon’d or shot.’ It does not seem that Captain Phillips or his crew put the first article into practice – in fact, according to Johnson, two members of the crew who attempted to leave the ship were simply killed by Phillips, thus contradicting Article 2. Of course, there may not have been a suitable island or land close by for marooning in these two cases. Meanwhile, Article 4 read, ‘If at any time we should meet another Marrooner [that is Pyrate,] that Man that shall sign his articles without the consent of our Company, shall suffer such Punishment as the Captain and Company shall think fit.’ It is worth noting that only a few of Phillips’ crew were voluntary pirates, and so Phillips no doubt wanted to keep as strict a hold as he could over his crew.22

Another pirate who set out ship’s articles was Captain George Lowther, on the Delivery, in 1721, but it is notable that none of his eight articles mentioned marooning. Instead, all crimes against the ship and crew were to be punished according to what the captain and majority of the company should see fit. This was obviously a more flexible system, and did not preclude marooning. Ironically, Lowther and some of his men marooned themselves on the island of Blanco (near Tortuga), in 1723, to avoid capture by a South Sea sloop from Barbados. Lowther was taken by surprise while careening his ship, which made the ship and crew extremely vulnerable. Johnson reported that Lowther probably shot himself on Blanco, being found dead with a burst pistol by his side.23

The next pirate whose articles Johnson lists was the famous Captain Bart Roberts. Johnson treats the case of Bart Roberts in the greatest detail, since he evidently had very good information on Roberts’ career. In regard to Roberts’ articles, dated around 1720, two of them mention marooning. The first article, no.2, declares, ‘Every Man to be called fairly in turn, by list, on Board of Prizes, because, (over and above their proper Share,) they there on these Occasions allow’d a Shift of Cloaths: But if they defrauded the Company to the Value of a Dollar, in Plate, Jewels, or Money, MAROONING was their Punishment.’ Johnson added the comment that marooning was a barbarous custom, but noted that if the robbery was between individuals, rather than against the whole crew, then the guilty one would be put ashore, not in an uninhabited place, but where the guilty party would suffer hardship. This would obviously be a lesser punishment than marooning on a deserted island. The second article mentioning marooning was no.7, ‘To Desert the Ship, or their Quarters in Battle, was punished with Death, or Marooning.’ It is notable that in Roberts’ mind, as with Phillips’ articles, marooning was clearly a particular punishment for those who transgressed against the ship and crew as a whole.24 It seems that Roberts also used marooning as a punishment when the pirates’ victims fought back – thus in 1722 when a French ship resisted Roberts’ two ships, the remaining prisoners were marooned on the most desolate island that Roberts could find.25 On the other hand, Roberts rescued thirteen naked sailors marooned on the island of Dominica in 1720 by a Spanish coast guard ship, who understandably joined Roberts’ crew rather than remain marooned.26

These examples are from the early 1720s when pirates were under particular stress from renewed naval efforts to capture and eradicate them, and so pirate captains tended to be stricter in dealing with their crews. But of course, marooning was practiced earlier, from at least the sixteenth century. It also occurred sometimes by accident of fate, when a sailor would be left ashore somewhere, as happened to a Moskito coast native man called William the Striker. On a raid in the South Seas, Captain Watling and his buccaneers anchored at the Juan Fernandez Islands in 1681, and were forced to leave suddenly as three Spanish ships hove into sight. Left ashore was William the Striker, who had become hidden ‘under a treed slope’ – although Watling and his crew did send a canoe to try to find him before leaving, but could not. William had to wait three years until 1684 when another South Seas voyage under Captains Cook and Eaton visited the Juan Fernandez Islands, and William was rescued from his marooned state. William Dampier, who was present, described the touching scene as William the Striker came to the beach as another Moskito native, called Robin, joined others as they went ashore in canoes. Robin waded through the surf and ‘running to his brother Moskito man, threw himself flat on his face at his feet.’ Then they embraced, and William was brought onto the ship.27

Sometimes, however, men actually wanted to leave their ships and be marooned. This was the case with four English sailors who apparently left a privateer of their own free will in 1687, and marooned themselves on the same Juan Fernandez Islands. They were rescued by a ship called the Welfare in October 1690.28 Much more common, though, was marooning as a malicious act. This happened in November 1715 when the third mate of the Anglesea, John Rolf, decided to take over the Anglesea at Buena Vista. Rolf succeeded, and put the master of the ship on a desolate island, where he died.29 A better known example occurred in 1698, when Joseph Bradish, the mate of the Adventure, together with others, took over the ship, complaining of lack of provisions, and sailed away, marooning the surgeon, the captain’s mate, and three others on an island they called Polonoys, six miles from Sumatra. Some others were left in a long boat at the same place.30

Naturally, the most famous of the marooned was Alexander Selkirk, the alleged model or prototype of Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe. Selkirk sailed with William Dampier in 1703, as part of a privateering cruise by a two ship fleet on the coast of South America, hoping to capture the Spanish treasure fleet. The expedition was not a happy one, and to make matters worse, the captain of one of the ships, the Cinque Ports, died, leaving command in the hands of a twenty-one year-old first lieutenant called Thomas Stradling. Selkirk was the quartermaster on the Cinque Ports, and he argued bitterly with Stradling over the seaworthiness of the ship. Selkirk was so angry with Stradling, whom he detested, that he asked to be left behind on the Juan Fernandez Islands. He was put ashore with bedding, sea chest, provisions, tobacco, navigation instruments, books, powder and shot. At the last minute Selkirk changed his mind, gesticulating frantically from the shore, but Stradling would not take him onboard again. This was in October 1704, but it turned out that Selkirk was fortunate in his decision, since the Cinque Ports was wrecked soon after, and the eight survivors imprisoned by the Spanish. Meanwhile, Selkirk remained on his island for the next four and a half years until February 1709 when Captain Woodes Rogers, again with Dampier aboard, dropped anchor and was surprised to see smoke and a wildly waving individual. This was Selkirk ‘cloth’d in Goats-Skins who looked wilder than the first Owners of them’. Selkirk had lost the art of speech, but was healthy, and had trained young goats and the island cats to keep him company, and when depressed would ‘sing and dance with them.’ Selkirk was rescued, and appeared in the pages of Woodes Rogers’ book, A Cruising Voyage Round the World, published in 1712. Selkirk appropriately had become ‘a better Christian while in this solitude than ever he was before’, which was a kind of stamp of approval of his story.31

Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe came out in 1719, and the coincidence of Selkirk’s and Robinson Crusoe’s stories strongly suggested that Defoe used Selkirk as his model for Crusoe. This was particularly the case because Defoe was clearly very interested in privateers and piracy, writing briefly on the pirates Gow and Avery, and fictionalising piracy in his books on Captain Singleton and the further adventures of Robinson Crusoe. Nevertheless, a recent book argues persuasively that the original model for Robinson Crusoe’s story of marooning was not Selkirk but Henry Pitman. It seems that Pitman was convicted of being involved in the Duke of Monmouth’s rebellion in England, and was transported to Barbados as a ten year convict. Despairing of his life, he and a few others escaped from Barbados in a small boat in 1687 and eventually wound up on the island of Salt Tortuga, off the coast of Venezuela. There they met with some pirates under the command of one Dutch Yanche or Yanky. This pirate had himself marooned some English buccaneers on Cow Island, close to Hispaniola, after arguments over prizes. Pitman found Yanky devious, and in fact Yanky and his crew sailed off to go raiding, leaving Pitman and his companions marooned on Salt Tortuga. Notably, Pitman bought an Indian from the pirates before they left, in order to use the Indian’s skill as a survivor – an obvious reference to Man Friday in Robinson Crusoe. Pitman was rescued from Salt Tortuga by a pirate ship after three months on the island, being readily accepted because he was a surgeon, although Pitman apparently left his seven companions behind. Ultimately, Pitman reached London, and wrote a slim book entitled A Relation of the great suffering and strange adventures of Henry Pitman, Chirurgeon, which was published in 1689. The connection between Pitman and Defoe is strengthened by the fact that Pitman’s book and Defoe’s book were published by the same publishing family in London, the Taylor family, at St Paul’s Churchyard, and round the corner in Paternoster Row, respectively. Finally, another connection is that Henry Pitman made his living after returning to London by mixing and selling medicines at Taylor’s publishing shop in St Paul’s Churchyard, where he very likely met Defoe.32

Women Pirates

In the Western world, piracy was normally the domain of men rather than women. There were a number of reasons for this, chief among them being that in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, women were thought to create considerable unrest on ships, leading to conflicts, fights, disorder, and murder. There was also a convention at the time that considered that women brought bad luck to a ship. Another reason for the absence of women pirates was that women were not considered to have the required physical strength to work a ship. It was also not easy for women to serve onboard a ship in disguise, since it was extremely difficult to hide their sex on a ship where privacy simply didn’t exist, although there are a few examples of some women who did serve on a ship.

In fact it was possible in the eighteenth century for women to accompany their husbands to sea in the Royal Navy if their husbands were of the rank of warrant officer or less. A very few captains in the Royal Navy also brought women onboard in peace time, although this was strictly illegal. It was much more common for women to enlist as soldiers on land, and many women were to be found in Napoleon’s army, either in official female units, or disguised as men, or as wives of senior officers. In the Royal Navy, it was rare for women to serve in disguise, but one example was William Prothero, a private marine onboard HMS Amazon, who was found to be a Welsh girl of 18 following her lover to sea. Another woman who started as a soldier, and became a sailor, was Mary Anne Talbot, born in 1778, one of the sixteen bastard children of Lord William Talbot. She became the mistress of Captain Bowen in 1792, who enlisted her as a foot boy called John Taylor in his regiment, and they sailed on HMS Crown, bound for Santo Domingo. There she became a drummer boy, and was present at the battle of Valenciennes, where Bowen was killed. Later she joined the French navy as a cabin boy, but was captured by HMS Brunswick where she served as a powder monkey. She was badly wounded in 1794, and wound up in London in 1796, where she was pressed by the Navy, but revealed her sex. She continued to wear sailor’s clothes, and found that her inheritance had been wasted by her guardian. After a spell in debtor’s prison, she became servant to a publisher, and died in 1808.33

Another woman who disguised herself was Hannah Snell. She served in the marines, and onboard Royal Navy ships. Born in 1723, she fell in love with a Dutch sailor, and married him, but he abandoned her when she was pregnant. The child died, and she enlisted in Fraser’s Regiment of Marines in 1746. She deserted, and joined HMS Swallow as an assistant steward and cook to the officers’ mess. She was wounded at the assault on Pondicherry in India, and allegedly used a native woman to dress her wounds, in order to maintain her disguise as a man. Snell enlisted on two ships, and continued to try to find her Dutch husband. Aboard these ships she was apparently nicknamed ‘Molly’ because of the smoothness of her face, and then ‘Hearty Jemmy’, on account of her popularity. Her disguise as a man still continued. Then she discovered that her Dutch husband had been executed in Genoa, and so she paid off from HMS Eltham and made a few appearances on stage in London, dressed in either her soldier or marine uniforms. Subsequently, she ran a pub in Wapping, London, called appropriately The Female Warrior. Snell married twice more, but then the strain of her life told on her, and she was judged to have become insane. She died at Bedlam Hospital for the insane in London in 1792, but was buried at Chelsea Hospital among the other soldiers, as she had wanted.34

Of course neither Talbot nor Snell were pirates, but they did demonstrate that it was possible for women to serve onboard ship in disguise. It is noteworthy that these two women served in roles that required courage but generally not physical strength. Celebrated as actual women pirates were Mary Read and Anne Bonny. Both women grew up in situations that required them to be dressed as men, and it was as men that they wound up on the pirate ship of ‘Calico Jack’ Rackam. Mary Read had served earlier in the infantry in Europe, and this stood her in good stead when she fought a duel in place of her lover on Rackam’s ship, and killed the sailor who was to fight her lover at a later hour. As a pirate she was an active participant on Rackam’s ship. Anne Bonny ran away from home with a poverty stricken sailor, and they sailed for Providence, hoping to pick up privateering work. Here she met Jack Rackam, abandoned her husband, and went onboard his ship. Read and Bonny wore men’s clothes onboard Rackam’s ship, but they also sometimes wore women’s clothes. Read and Bonny were captured off Jamaica in 1720, along with the rest of Rackam’s crew, and went to trial. As it happened, both were pregnant, and so escaped hanging for this reason (see Chapter 7).

Besides Read and Bonny, an earlier female pirate was the Irish smuggler and pirate, Grace O’Malley. She was born around 1530 in Connaught, on the west coast of Ireland. Her father was a local chieftain, who possessed castles and a fleet of ships that were used for trading, smuggling and piracy. It seems that Grace grew up sailing in her father’s ships, and cut her hair short and dressed in boy’s clothes to show that she was familiar with the sea. Her nickname, ‘Granuaille’ meant ‘bald’, since she had cut her hair short. Grace married twice, probably both times for economic as well as romantic reasons, and produced four children. Her first husband was killed, but her second husband lived at Rockfleet Castle in County Mayo, commanding Clew Bay. Grace operated from Rockfleet Castle and Clew Bay for the rest of her life, where the O’Malleys possessed some twenty ships, most of them being galleys. These galleys were propelled by thirty oars, and had onboard some 100 musket men. Another source relates that the O’Malleys owned three galleys with 200 fighting men, meaning that each galley had sixty odd musket men onboard. Presumably these galleys stayed close to shore, but they certainly raided locally and also took passing merchant ships. In the early 1570s, Grace created too much trouble with her raids, and a government force led by Captain William Martin launched a punitive raid on Clew Bay and Rockfleet Castle in 1574. Apparently, Grace compelled Martin to retreat, but in 1577 on a plundering raid against the lands of the Earl of Desmond (surely an over-ambitious plan), Grace was captured and spent time in Limerick jail. Lord Justice Drury described her as ‘a woman that hath … been a great spoiler, and chief commander and director of thieves and murderers at sea to spoil this province.’35

In 1588, Grace O’Malley reportedly helped massacre Spanish sailors who came off the wreck of their ship, the El Gran Grin, in Clew Bay, after the Spanish Armada failed. It seems that Sir Richard Bingham, governor of Connaught in 1588, was responsible for ordering most of the slaughter of these Spanish sailors. It was also Bingham who held a low opinion of Grace, and impounded her fleet. Grace was now in poor financial condition, since her second husband had died in 1583, and she appealed to Queen Elizabeth. Bingham meanwhile arrested her brother and one of her sons, and so she went to England, meeting Queen Elizabeth at Greenwich Palace in September 1593. This must have been an interesting occasion, although nothing is recorded of the meeting except for a suspect ballad or two. Judging by later events, Grace probably bought safety from Bingham by promising to fight the Queen’s enemies. The Queen instructed Bingham to provide for Grace, and he did release her son and brother, but continued to be hostile until he retired in 1597, when Grace’s fortunes improved. She died in 1603, and it is relevant that Grace’s son supported the English crown and was made Viscount Mayo in 1627.36

Grace O’Malley was very much a woman, chieftain, and pirate of her time, often embroiled in regional battles, and profiting from trading and raiding until she came up against the Queen’s governor, Bingham. Similar to Grace’s story were the female Chinese pirates of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, who raided locally, and operated according to the cultural norms of the time (see Chapters 9 and 10). In general, female pirates in the Western world in the golden age of piracy (1680s to 1720s) were very scarce, as might be expected because of the social restrictions of the day, and it is interesting that some pirate captains even attempted to control the presence of women onboard. It is well known that one of Roberts’ rules read, ‘No Boy or Woman to be allow’d amongst them. If any Man were found seducing any of the latter Sex, and carried her to Sea, disguised, he was to suffer Death.’ According to Johnson this rule was less to protect women (and boys) than to prevent discord onboard, and he cynically wrote that the sentry put to protect any woman captured, actually reserved her favours for himself. This apparently happened to the captive Elizabeth Trengrove onboard Roberts’ ship in August 1721. Another pirate, Captain Phillips, stated more ambiguously that ‘If at any time you meet with a prudent Woman (i.e. not a prostitute or a loose woman), that man who offers to meddle with her, without her Consent, shall suffer present Death.’ Presumably, a less respectable woman could be handled as desired by the crew. On the other hand, the rules of Captain Lowther had nothing to say about women, and it is known that the Red Sea pirates badly mistreated their female captives.37

As a final note, the lack of women onboard pirate ships is sometimes cited as a reason for pirate homosexuality.38 Yet there is a lack of evidence on this score, although one or two items tend to suggest that in Western piracy there was some homosexuality. In their buccaneer voyage in the Pacific in 1680–1681, Bartholomew Sharp recorded in his journal that in January 1681 William Cooke accused Edmund Cooke of buggering him, ‘… his Master had oft times Buggered him in England … in Jamaica … and once in these seas before Panama.’ The captain put Edmund Cooke in irons, although this event may have been connected to a power struggle onboard for the captaincy of the ship. In any case, Sharp does not add any comment, which suggests he did not find the problem very unusual.39 That homosexuality existed is evident, as in the case of the cabin boy Richard Mandervell, who in 1721 accused his master, Samuel Norman, of forcing him to wash the partly dressed Norman onboard ship at Oporto. Norman apparently called Mandervell ‘Son of a Bitch’ when he objected.40 As mentioned elsewhere, the system of matelotage in Hispaniola, among the cattle hunters of the island, and in the logwood camps of Campeche, whereby two men shared all their possessions, hunted together, lived together, and left each other their goods upon death, suggests some may have been in homosexual relationships (see Chapter 5). Among the Barbary corsairs, European observers, often priests, certainly emphasised homosexual relationships in Algiers, although the horror they expressed stemmed partly from their desire to paint the situation in Algiers in the darkest colours in order to arouse publicity to help free the Christian slaves held there. One lurid story of the Barbary corsairs comes from a Christian priest who suggested in 1647 that young Christian captive boys were:

…purchased at great price by the Turks to serve them in their abominable sins, and no sooner do they have them in their power, [then] by dressing them up and caressing them, they persuade them to make themselves Turks. But if by chance someone does not consent to their uncontrolled desires, they treat him badly, using force to induce him into sin; they keep him locked up, so that he does not see nor frequent [other] Christians, and many others they circumcise by force.41

Finally, Chinese pirates in the early eighteenth century apparently used homosexuality to recruit young pirates to their junk fleets, while the question of homosexuality, although forbidden by the authorities, seems to have been a more open matter among Chinese pirates (see Chapter 9).

Overall, though, the question of homosexuality among western pirates remains an undecided issue due to lack of sufficient evidence. Many pirates sailed together on a long term basis, such as John Swann and Robert Culliford, but that does not prove a homosexual relationship.

Drink and Food

Whether pirates were men or women, what did they have to eat and drink? Pirates were notorious for heavy bouts of drinking alcohol, and usually drank anything they could get their hands on, whether it was plundered wine, brandy, cider or beer. When Captain Snelgrave, commander of a slave ship, entered the mouth of the Sierra Leone River, his ship was captured by the pirates Thomas Cocklyn, Howel Davis, and the Frenchman La Buze (or La Bouche). Snelgrave watched as the pirates:

…hoisted upon Deck a great many half hogsheads of Claret and French Brandy; knock’d their Heads out, and dipp’d Canns and Bowls into them to drink out of; And in their Wantoness threw full Buckets upon one another. And in the evening washed the Decks with what remained in the Casks. As to bottled Liquor, they would not give themselves the trouble of drawing the Cork out, but nick’d the Bottles, as they called it, that is, struck their necks off with a Cutlace; by which means one in three was generally broke.

Logwood cutters in Campeche (on the Yucatan peninsula of Mexico), were renowned for their drinking bouts, punctuating each toast with a cannon shot. Another scenario that provided for communal drinking was when pirates would gather to take a vote onboard their ship, they would usually first prepare a bowl of punch and then get down to decision making. For example, when the pirate Howel Davis was elected as commander, the election system required that ‘a counsel of war was called over a large bowl of punch, at which it was proposed to choose a commander …’ In the same way, when a decision had to be made over shipmates who had broken the rules of the pirate crew, as in the case of Roberts’ crew ‘a large bowl of rum punch was made, and placed upon the table, the pipes and tobacco being ready, the judicial proceedings began …’ After capturing a ship, pirates would often celebrate, for example Captain Spriggs’ men spent the day ‘in boisterous mirth, roaring and drinking of healths …’ Later on, Spriggs’ crew captured Captain Hawkins’ ship for the second time, in the evening, when the pirates were ‘most of ‘em drunk, as is usual at this time of night …’42

In fact, there was hardly any activity onboard a pirate ship that was not associated with drinking at one time or another, and this was an age in which heavy drinking was normal. But some pirates such as Roberts tried to control alcohol, while others such as Blackbeard found that rum drinking kept his crew happy, which allowed him to remain as captain. Yet sailing ships of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries are complicated pieces of machinery, and a drunken crew would find it hard to work such a ship, so pirate crews simply could not have been drunk all the time. And in general, the heaviest drinking took place when a pirate ship was in harbour or being careened in some hidden bay. Port Royal, in Jamaica, long a well known pirate haunt, provided as many as 100 taverns in 1680 for the pirates and other sailors. Occasionally, such drinking and debauchery let the pirates down, as when Captain Roberts’ crew was taken by surprise by the Royal Navy in 1722 and ‘the greatest part of his men were drunk, passively courageous, unfit for service’. In the same way, Blackbeard himself spent the night in drinking before being killed in battle, and possibly would have made a better plan if he had been clear headed.43