The Rise and Fall of Thomas Cromwell E-Book

John Schofield

• Herausgeber: The History Press
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch

Seitenzahl: 804

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2011

Beschreibung

Thomas Cromwell was a man of humble origins and outstanding intellect who rose up to become Henry VIII's chief minister and right-hand man during the English Reformation. He wielded enormous power while he retained the king's favour, but the failure of Henry's marriage to Anne of Cleves, which Cromwell had arranged, led to his swift downfall and execution. In this biography, John Schofield reveals that the popular image of Cromwell as a blood-stained henchman is largely fictional. Detailed research into contemporary sources illuminates his brilliant mind and his love for and patronage of the arts and humanities, while short case studies shed new light on his relations with, and his reputation among, Henry VIII's subjects. In his conclusion, Schofield narrates the drama of Cromwell's downfall and highlights the king's posthumous exoneration of the 'most faithful servant he ever had'.

Leseprobe

ForAnn

Contents

Title

Dedication

Preface

Part I: Rise to Power

1In My Lord the Cardinal’s Service, 1485–1527

2To Make or Mar, 1527–30

3The Lutheran, 1530–32

4The King’s Councillor, 1530–33

5Principal Secretary, 1533–35

6Vicegerent, 1535

Part II: Cromwell and the Royal Ladies

7Her Special Friend, 1533–36

8In the Line of Duty, 1536

9Around the Throne the Thunder Rolls, 1536

10A New Queen of the Old Faith, 1536–37

Part III: The King’s Chief Minister

11The Administrator, 1536–39

12The Widows’ Helper, 1536–39

13Patron and Persona, 1536–39

Part IV: How Have the Mighty Fallen

14The Vicegerency in Eclipse, 1538–39

15The Affairs of Kings, 1538–39

16A Treacherous Place, January–June 1540

17The Pillar is Perished, June–July 1540

Epilogue

List of Illustrations

Bibliography

Acknowledgements

Plates

Copyright

Preface

This book sets out to tell the story of the man who, apart from King Henry himself, was the dominant personality in one of the most eventful eras in English history: Thomas Cromwell, the king’s chief minister and principal reformer of the church.

In preparing the work I have freely used the definitive studies of the late Professor Elton and other recognized scholars. Most of the evidence, however, is derived from primary sources.

The amount of such material available on Cromwell is huge, including nearly twenty substantial volumes of LettersandPapers in which Cromwell’s name appears on almost every page. For seven or eight years, there was hardly an issue of any significance in which he was not involved. To keep this book down to manageable size, a number of subjects will be covered as concisely as possible. These include Henry’s first divorce negotiations, the theological issues of the Reformation and the constitutional legislation of the 1530s, all of which are elements of Tudor economic and social history. Notes will make reference to works in which these important subjects have been treated more than adequately by other writers.

Unlike many of his contemporaries, Thomas Cromwell left no personal works or memoirs, and the official papers, despite their bulk, do not necessarily reveal much of the inner man. Occasionally in this book, therefore, I allow myself the luxury of drawing a few inferences. This is done guardedly and with suitable caveats, but I believe that it is justified in the circumstances.

As usual in works on the Tudor period, a note is needed on terminology. To avoid repetition, the words ‘evangelical’, ‘reformer’ and ‘Protestant’ are used interchangeably, ‘evangelical’ being used in its sixteenth-century sense, meaning Gospel. ‘Lutheran’ serves well enough for most of the leading English evangelicals during the 1530s, like Cromwell and Cranmer. The ‘new learning’ and ‘the Gospel’ are terms synonymous with Protestant faith. ‘Catholic’ is not always as easy to define as it sounds. Lutherans frequently claimed that their confessions followed the Scriptural ‘Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church’ rather than the medieval religion which they contested. Unless otherwise indicated, however, I use ‘Catholic’ to cover all those who opposed Luther and held to the religion in which they grew up. Nothing derogatory is implied by ‘medieval’, ‘Papist’ or ‘Papalist’; the latter two are most useful in distinguishing those like Thomas More from others, who, though they supported King Henry’s Royal Supremacy, remained broadly Catholic on so much else.

Generally the word ‘councillor’, or occasionally ‘servant’, is preferred to ‘statesman’ when discussing the policies of Cromwell and other leading men surrounding the king. By ‘statesman’ we usually mean one who has some freedom to formulate and execute policy, but of Cromwell’s master the Milanese ambassador once said that ‘His Majesty chooses to know and superintend everything himself’. I hope readers will not mind seeing these words more than once during the narrative, for often they help to understand what is happening.

Quotations are generally given in modernized spelling, but in order to try and capture a sixteenth-century feel, the Tudor phraseology is usually retained. Foreign names are anglicized unless there is a pressing reason not to do so.

PART I

Rise to Power

1

In My Lord the Cardinal’s Service

Well might many a famous individual from the past, were he able to read history’s verdict on him, echo the cry of Shakespeare’s Cassio: ‘Reputation, reputation, reputation! I have lost my reputation’.1

In our times – despite the sterling labours of the late Professor G.R. Elton – the very mention of Thomas Cromwell’s name is likely to conjure up a baleful spectre in the minds of many. He was, we are repeatedly informed, the chief destroyer of a vibrant, idyllic English medieval church, the man who plundered the monasteries and consigned to oblivion centuries of pious, devotional tradition, imposing in its place an alien creed of justification by faith alone; the prime instigator and enforcer of harsh Tudor treason laws; a ruthless, sinister, unsmiling Machiavellian who cynically cut down Anne Boleyn and all others who dared oppose him, before finally receiving his much deserved deserts when he overreached himself and lured King Henry into an disastrously unsuitable marriage with Anne of Cleves.

I do not remember for sure what made me first begin to wonder whether all of this might be largely fanciful, and whether the real Thomas Cromwell, if only we could meet him and become better acquainted, might take on a less fearsome and altogether more agreeable aspect. It was not a craving to be novel just for the sake of it, but what began as no more than a hunch quickly developed into a conviction. Readers will be able to decide for themselves if they care to go down the same route.

Like many substantial and controversial men in history, only patchy details about Cromwell’s early life are known. The main sources are Eustace Chapuys, imperial ambassador to England during much of the 1530s; Reginald, later Cardinal Pole; Matteo Bandello, the Italian writer who became bishop of Agen in France; and John Foxe, the Elizabethan historian and martryologist. Of these four Chapuys knew Cromwell best, but even he is frustratingly brief. Cromwell, says Chapuys, was the ‘son of a poor blacksmith who lived and is buried at a small village’ near London. His uncle was cook to Archbishop Warham. In his youth Cromwell was somewhat ‘ill conditioned and wild’ (malconditionné), and he spent some time in prison before travelling in Flanders, Rome and throughout Italy. The reason for the imprisonment is not stated.2

Reginald Pole also knew Cromwell personally, though not as well as Chapuys did. Pole confirms Cromwell’s birth near London, but calls his father a cloth shearer. Cromwell, Pole continues, then became a private soldier in Italy before pursuing a more secure, if less adventurous, way of life as an accountant in the service of a Venetian merchant.3

The Italian connection is taken up by Bandello, with his engaging story of the wealthy Florentine merchant, Francesco Frescobaldi, chancing one day to meet ‘a poor youth’ (unpoverogiovane) in the streets begging alms ‘for the love of God’. Seeing him ‘in a bad condition though gentle in appearance’ (malinarneseecheinvisomostravaaverdelgentile), Frescobaldi was moved to pity, especially when he learned that the youth hailed from England, a country he knew and loved. He asked him his name. ‘My name is Thomas Cromwell’, he replied, ‘the son of a poor cloth shearer’ (d’unpoverocimatoredipanni). He had escaped from the battle of Garigliano in Italy where he served as a page or servant to an infantryman, carrying his pike. Frescobaldi invited Master Cromwell into his house as his guest and offered him shelter, food and clothing. After a short stay he gave him money and a new horse. Thus refreshed and replenished, the grateful youth set out to return to England.4

These accounts complement rather than contradict each other, though with one interesting exception. Cromwell’s father was a ‘smith’ (Chapuys) but a ‘cloth shearer’ (Pole, Bandello). Foxe clarifies the matter with the information that Cromwell ‘was born in Putney or thereabouts, being a smith’s son, whose mother married afterwards to a shearman’. So the smith was Cromwell’s natural father and the shearman (or shearer) the step-father. Foxe gives no reason why his mother married again, but the only obvious one, unless the second marriage was illegal, is that his father, the smith, died shortly after Thomas was born. So it is not certain whether Cromwell was the name of the father or step-father.

Foxe also disagrees with Chapuys and Bandello on Cromwell’s youth. Bandello has Cromwell arriving in Italy after ‘fleeing from my father’ (chefuggendodamiopadre), which Foxe, in a curiously slanted translation, renders as ‘straying from my country’. Elsewhere Foxe, still on the subject of the young Cromwell, tells us that ‘a great delight came into his mind to stray into foreign countries, to see the world abroad and to learn experience’ – quite a different reason for leaving England than the one given by either Chapuys or Bandello. At first it seems that Foxe might have wanted to cover up the youthful waywardness of one of his greatest heroes. However, this explanation will not do, because later it is Foxe who tells us that Cromwell, as Wolsey’s agent, long before he became a Lutheran, was very active in procuring bulls and pardons from Rome. Foxe also quotes Cromwell telling Cranmer that he had been a bit of a ‘ruffian’ in his younger days, though Foxe includes this in his discussion of Cromwell’s pre-Protestant years, not his actual youth.5

Fortunately these small variations are not very important. They can easily be explained by the fact that none of these witnesses knew all the details of Cromwell’s birth and youth at first hand. Besides, no comprehensive records of births, marriages and deaths were kept until an act of parliament prepared by the adult Cromwell in 1538 required them.

According to Merriman, a certain Walter Cromwell was Thomas’s father. As Merriman notes, however, this name appears in records of antiquity from 1475 right up to 1514, so he could not have been the natural father, who, unless Foxe is greatly mistaken, must have died sometime before 1500. It is just as unlikely that Walter was the step-father, because he is described in the CloseRolls as a brewer of beer (‘berebruer’), not a shearer. He was also a man of some means. As well as his beer business he kept sheep and cattle, he became Constable of Putney in 1495, and he owned lands and property in Wimbledon. This information fits neither the description of Thomas’s father as a poor smith, nor his step-father as a poor shearer. Walter and Thomas Cromwell may have been related, but it is difficult to see how they could have been father and son.6

Cromwell’s mother came from Derbyshire or Staffordshire. Her maiden name may have been ‘Meverell’. According to Cromwell himself, in a conversation with Chapuys, she was fifty-two years old when he was born. The mother’s age suggests that Thomas was the youngest child and perhaps an unexpected one. If, therefore, the father died soon after the birth, and the mother married again to a shearer, as Foxe says, it is quite plausible that tensions soon arose between the poor shearer and his energetic and perhaps unruly stepson. A troubled and unhappy childhood, therefore, provided the impulse for the young Thomas to seek his fortune abroad.7

A sort of reverse reasoning dates Cromwell’s birth to around 1485. Time is needed for him to become old enough to do a spell in prison, as Chapuys says, before venturing out on his own. The battle of Garigliano was fought in late December 1503, so it would have been sometime the following year, maybe spring, before he could have reached Florence and met Frescobaldi. That would put him in his eighteenth year, still young enough to be called a ‘youth’.

The matter is, however, somewhat complicated by Stephen Vaughan, a close friend of the adult Cromwell, who knew him better than any of the witnesses named so far. In the middle of a long letter on various points, Vaughan urged Cromwell not to wear himself out through overwork, warning enigmatically that ‘half your years be spent’. This letter is dated December 1534. It is not clear how long Vaughan expected Cromwell to live. If he meant the biblical ‘three score years and ten … or four score years’ for those who have the strength (Psalm 90:10), then Cromwell would have been thirty-five or forty at the time. This gives two alternative dates for his birth – 1499 and 1494. The first is far too early for Garigliano in 1503, and even the second would make Cromwell only eight or nine when he fled from England and joined the French army. Vaughan may have meant Cromwell’s years of discretion, normally regarded as beginning at around the age of twelve, which would take us back to approximately 1485. However, it may well be that Vaughan was simply using a figure of speech, never imagining that anyone would try and calculate the time of Cromwell’s birth from it. As Vaughan merely blurs an already indistinct picture, the traditional date of 1485 should suffice until or unless some more positive evidence turns up.8

Nothing is known about Cromwell for some years after his meeting with Frescobaldi. However, despite the lack of a formal education, the adult Cromwell was a proficient linguist – he was fluent in French, Italian, Spanish, Latin and Greek – so it is likely that he travelled extensively across southern Europe. His adventures there remain a mystery.

Around 1510 it so happened that the town of Boston in England needed to renew two papal pardons, and one Geoffrey Chambers and a companion were sent as messengers to Rome with provisions and money. Chambers met Cromwell in Antwerp, and because Cromwell could speak Italian, he was persuaded to accompany the two Englishmen to the eternal city. At that time Cromwell had ‘no sound taste or judgement of religion’, sighed Foxe, the source for this story. Cromwell showed an inventive streak, however, in his plan to persuade Pope Julius to grant Boston’s requests speedily. Cromwell prepared ‘some fine dishes of jelly … made after our country manner here in England’; he then waited patiently until Julius returned from a hunting expedition before approaching him with presents and a ‘three man’s song’, again in the ‘English fashion’. The dainty jelly dishes so delighted the Vicar of Christ that he authorised the pardons with little more ado.9

By 1512 Thomas Cromwell, with mind broadened and horizons widened by his foreign travels, had settled in England. In November that year, in his new career as a lawyer, he endorsed a legal document entitling one Thomas Empson to lands. He had not given up his interest in commerce, however, and two years later he again paid a visit to the great trading city of Antwerp. Around this time he married Elizabeth Wykys, the daughter of a shearman, and apparently a fairly well-to-do shearman for she descended from an ancient family, one of whom had served as gentleman-usher to King Henry VII. Practically nothing is known about Cromwell’s marriage except that at least two daughters and one son survived infancy. Merriman’s idea that Cromwell married mainly for money is no more than an uncharitable guess, and there is no reason to doubt that Thomas and Elizabeth Cromwell were a happy couple.10

Possibly in 1514, definitely by 1516, Cromwell became part of Cardinal Wolsey’s household. He went to Rome a second time in 1517–18, again for reasons connected with the Boston pardons. Cromwell, notes Foxe disapprovingly, was a ‘great doer’ with Chambers ‘in publishing and setting forth the pardons of Boston everywhere’. But Foxe also tells us that Cromwell, seeking to advance simultaneously in learning and piety, learned by heart the recently published Latin New Testament of the great Dutch humanist scholar, Desiderius Erasmus, and the evidence suggests that he did so while on this journey. If this is true, then it is a delicious historical irony that the first faint seeds of Cromwell’s future Protestant faith would have been sown during a visit to the Roman See, about the same time that Martin Luther was protesting against the abuse of indulgences in his native Wittenberg.11

It was sometime in or just before 1519 that Wolsey – Cardinal, Lord Chancellor and chief minister to King Henry VIII – appointed Cromwell to his council. This did not interrupt Cromwell’s legal work, and the following year he was involved in a suit concerning tithes between a vicar and a prioress. It did, however, inevitably raise his standing in society, and a year later comes a hint that Cromwell might have been known to the king: sometime in 1521 he corrected drafts of petitions from a certain Charles Knyvett to Henry, alleging that the duke of Buckingham had defrauded him of money and other entitlements. In January 1522, William Popley asked Cromwell to serve as attorney in a matter he had taken to the king’s council. Cromwell’s clients in his prospering legal business now included the marchioness of Dorset and Richard Chawfer, alderman of Calais and a wealthy merchant. Cromwell represented Chawfer in a legal suit to be heard in chancery, where Chawfer vowed he would sue his rival to ‘the most extreme’.12

In August 1522, William Popley reappears in the records asking Cromwell to find out where one Glaskerton was on the night of Lady Eve and on Lady Day. Whether this was a legal matter, or whether Cromwell’s freelance activities now included services as a private detective, is not clear. Towards the end of the same year Cromwell was named in another suit, this time a merchant affair, with authority granted to him and others to collect outstanding debts. He also kept up his business interests in the cloth trade. Then in 1523 a new door was opened to him, and he became a Member of Parliament.13

Like most late medieval parliaments, this one was summoned to raise money for war. Like many of his ancestors, King Henry dreamed of conquering France, and it seemed that his moment of glory might have come when he made an alliance with Charles V, the newly crowned Holy Roman Emperor, against the dashingly adventurous King Francis I of France. This parliament, however, was not quite as obliging with funds as Henry and Wolsey hoped it would be, and one of its newest members – Thomas Cromwell – went as far as preparing a decidedly anti-war speech. Some doubt has been raised whether this speech was actually delivered; but it is still worth studying in some detail, because it is the first serious guide we have to the political philosophy and rhetorical style of Henry’s future chief minister.14

Cromwell began loyally. He proclaimed Henry’s ‘good and just title’ to the throne of France – a most worthy cause, and ‘who would not gladly give not only all his goods but also his life for it’. Cromwell appreciated the revenues that would stream into England if France were recovered, ‘to the great enriching and prospering’ of all the king’s subjects. He powerfully extolled the king’s goodness and virtue. Then the speech takes an unexpected turn. Cromwell looked ahead with dismay to the impending dreadful conflict among the rulers of Christendom, ‘so great a number princes, noble men and other subjects’, with ‘swords in their hands, to try where the pleasure of God shall be to strike … of which slaughter must needs ensue the most lamentable cries and sorrowful wringing of hands that hath happened in Christendom many years’. The heart and outlook of the speaker were surely forged by his personal experience, as a youth, of the horrors of war for ordinary soldiers and people.

Realizing the belligerent mood of many in the country, however, Cromwell accepted that now might not be the most appropriate time to talk of peace. So ‘insatiable’ was the appetite of the French to extend their boundaries ‘to the great molesting and troubling of all the nations about them’, that no remedy sufficed except they be ‘scourged else they will surely be a scourge to others’. How righteous indeed, Cromwell admitted, was the anger of our dread sovereign and his ally, the emperor; how laudable were Charles’s successes in Italy and elsewhere, and Henry’s victories over France’s ally, Scotland. Many loyal Englishmen would surely contend that the time was now ripe to press home the advantage, to attack France and ‘vanquish him utterly and subdue him’.

At this point Cromwell digressed slightly. He had heard something that ‘putteth me in no small agony’ – our most gracious sovereign intended to take the field in person. ‘Which thing I pray God for my part I never live to see.’ Cromwell begged his audience’s pardon, but he ‘cannot consent to obey’ for fear of the calamity that would befall the realm should any harm come to the king. For his subjects’ sake, his kingdom’s sake, and especially for the sake of his ‘dear and only daughter’ – for upon her, next only to the king, ‘dependeth all our wealth’ – Cromwell appealed to Henry to restrain his undoubted courage and zeal for a just cause, and remain within his own realm.

Then Cromwell examined the harsh practicalities of war. As many as 30,000 footmen and 10,000 horsemen would be needed. The cost of supplying such a vast army abroad, with the unpredictable Channel in between, could be ruinous for England – it might ‘consume all the coin and bullion in this realm’. If the king were taken captive on the battlefield, ‘how then should we be able to redeem him back again?’ Then to military tactics: the French might not take the field directly, but withdraw to Paris, lie in wait, seek to cut off supplies and leave our main army at the enemy’s mercy. Cromwell invoked the memory of Henry VII, who concentrated on Bolougne rather than venturing further inland; and also Charles V, who, in more recent campaigns, had not stretched his forces too far for fear of being surrounded. Further, even if victory in battle was achieved, how ‘should we be able to possess the large country of France’ without reliable allies there? In times past English invaders of France enjoyed the support of ‘assured confederates and allies … and assured friends’, while French towns possessed nothing like the fortifications and ‘marvellous strength’ that they did now.

So, Cromwell concluded, rather than waging war on France, let Henry concentrate on Scotland, to ‘join the same realm unto his’, and thereby ‘win the highest honour’, higher than any of his predecessors. This would be a far greater victory for England and a far greater defeat for France, for Scotland was France’s traditional ally against England. As the saying went, ‘who that intendeth France to win, with Scotland let him begin’. So the maiden speech ends.

It is not the speech of a sycophant, or an unscrupulously ambitious politician seeking only to ingratiate himself with his masters. Cromwell’s suggestion that Henry should remain at home was not designed to flatter, because leading armies into battle in person was just the sort of showy but unnecessarily dangerous gesture that would have appealed to Henry. This he would do in the post-Cromwellian 1540s, when the strategic value of his presence on the field was dubious. Cromwell’s words demonstrate good sense – a king with no adult heir should not take needless risks, especially with the instability of the previous century and the Roses Wars still alarmingly fresh in the minds of the English people.

Besides Cromwell’s concern for costs, trade and the suffering of a nation at war, the speech showed remarkable foresight, because only two years later King Francis was taken prisoner by the emperor’s troops at Pavia, and not released until the French were compelled to pay a huge ransom. Cromwell was also right about Scotland, because any English attack on France would expose England to the risk of war on two fronts – on the continent with France, and at home with France’s traditional northern ally. Scarcely less interesting is Cromwell’s reference to Princess Mary – upon whom ‘dependeth all our wealth’. Assuming that Cromwell was reflecting a general view rather than giving his own purely personal opinion, his words suggest that the absence of a male heir was not seen as a great threat to the stability of the Tudor dynasty.

Also interesting is the style of speech, and the technique used to try and persuade the king to change his mind. Employing the right kind of flattery at all the right places, Cromwell emphasized at some length the justness of the cause and the zeal of the king. Only after these points were eloquently made did he urge Henry not to go abroad for the sake of the realm. It was the sort of argument that even Henry could hardly reject outright. Then Cromwell focussed on the immense practical difficulties that a guerrilla campaign in France would pose, invoking unpleasant memories of prolonged conflict and hardship in the past – all skilfully calculated to dampen enthusiasm for war.

No evidence survives of any reaction to the speech, if indeed it was given, but a great deal else was discussed in that parliamentary session. Cromwell gave a wry account of affairs in a letter to his friend, John Creke:

I among others have endured a parliament which continued by the space of seventeen whole weeks, where we commoned of war, peace, strife, contention, debate, murmur, grudge, riches, poverty, perjury, truth, falsehood, justice, equity, deceit, oppression, magnanimity, activity, force, attemprance, treason, murder, felony, conciliation, and also how a commonwealth might be edified and also continued within our realm. Howbeit, in conclusion we have done as our predecessors have been wont to do, that is to say as well as we might, and left where we began.15

The letter reveals a little of the personality of the writer, because it continues in similar tongue-in-cheek tone: ‘All your friends to my knowledge be in good health and especially they that ye wott of: ye know what I mean. I think it best to write in parables because I am in doubt’. As Elton has already said, it would be foolish to read a cynical contempt for parliament into these words. Elton has quoted several extracts of famous parliamentarians expressing exasperation with the institution, the workload, the disappointments and the frequent difficulty in converting constructive ideas into effective legislation.16

However, what Cromwell’s letter may reveal is not frustration exactly, but rather a dry, worldly-wise sense of humour, and a judgement of mankind and human affairs that is mature and realistic but neither contemptuous nor cynical. Certainly he was no naïve idealist. In style and content his letter is somewhat reminiscent of the Old Testament preacher:

One generation passeth away, and another generation cometh … The sun also ariseth and the sun goeth down, and hasteth to his place where he arose … The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be; and that which is done is that which shall be done: and there is no new thing under the sun. (Ecclesiastes 1:4–9.)

When parliament was dissolved, Cromwell resumed his legal and business interests. At an inquest in December, he and others made various claims against church officials and their properties; these included such diverse matters as defective pavements, noisy geese on church lands, brawling neighbours, doors that needed fixing and cantankerous women. The following year (1524) Cromwell was admitted to Gray’s Inn, one of the English legal societies that formed the Inns of Court. Land deeds continued to take up much of his time, but he also investigated a dispute among the family of the earl of Oxford regarding inheritance, and he drafted a licence for William Collyns to carry on his trade as a blacksmith in any city or town. Cromwell drafted a petition of Robert Leighton, gentleman porter of the Tower, to Wolsey alleging assault during a church service. He also received a petition from Edward Smything, addressed to him as ‘councillor to the lord legate’, requesting recovery of cloths depicting Christ on Maundy Thursday, Christ praying in the Garden and bearing the Cross.17

Around the turn of the year (1525), Cromwell was forced to put the lands of one John Fleming in Yorkshire into execution for breach of covenant. In May he revised a draft for a lease of church lands in York; the draft was originally composed by Thomas Wriothesley, a man also in Wolsey’s service, who would become a lifelong associate of Cromwell’s. In June a Mr Cowper sought Cromwell’s help to obtain a benefice for a relative, while in November another business dispute concerning alleged non-payment of goods required attention.18

In February 1526 he was involved in the allocation of benefices, though the papers do not state whether he had authority to recommend appointments, or whether he was just administering the matter – probably the latter. A more interesting assignment was a draft of a petition to Henry on behalf of the merchants of Hanse for safe conduct and a licence to trade. The licence itself, also in Cromwell’s hand, was granted by Wolsey, acting for the king. In June Cromwell was invited to inspect and audit accounts. In July one Lawrence Starkey asked him if he could use his influence to obtain a benefice. Starkey also complained about alleged wrongs done to him by the bishop of London and the abbess of Syon, and asked Cromwell’s help. Land and testate affairs remained the most common legal tasks, and they could be pleasingly profitable when clients like George Monoux, an alderman, promised Cromwell twenty marks for a favourable outcome.19

Not all his life was taken up with business and law. By now he had acquired a reputation for generosity with money as well as a flair for making it. Lawrence Giles sent greetings to Cromwell and his wife, thanking him for kindnesses he could not repay, observing how God provides for those who help the poor, ‘as I understand … your mastership is provided’. Cromwell was also able to afford an education for his son Gregory. Cromwell’s sister had married a farmer with the wonderfully English rustic name of Wellyfed, and in the early 1520s Gregory and young Wellyfed began their schooling together in Cambridge. Letters survive from Gregory to his father promising to do his best and work hard – ‘we apply our books diligently’, he assured him. School was not ‘all work and no play’, however, and the boys were thrilled when a local lord took them out for a day’s hunting and ‘let us see such game and pleasure as I never saw in my life’.20

With Wolsey’s domestic political policy, Cromwell seems to have had little to do. It was fortunate for his reputation and later career that he was not one of the commissioners appointed by Wolsey in spring 1525 to raise yet more money from the clergy and laity to finance the military aspirations of the king and his cardinal. This so-called ‘Amicable Grant’ provoked unexpectedly stiff opposition in the country, and had to be withdrawn in the face of threats of a rising in south east England. Nor is there any evidence that Cromwell was a part of Wolsey’s foreign policy team in the cardinal’s complex diplomatic manoeuvrings with France, Rome and the emperor.

Cromwell was, however, closely involved in the administration of Wolsey’s colleges. In January 1525 Wolsey appointed Sir William Gascoigne, William Burbank and Cromwell to survey six monasteries to be converted for the use of Cardinal’s College at Oxford, for which Cromwell drafted the letters patent. Cromwell and one John Smith were also attorneys for four other religious houses. At the dissolution of monasteries at Begham and Blackmore, Cromwell was present as a witness, though not the chief officer. It is from Begham that we have the only surviving letter of Cromwell to his wife, though it does not reveal very much about their married life – he sent her a nice fatted doe and asked for news of home.21

During the next four or five years until Wolsey’s fall, twenty-nine small monastic communities were closed. These dissolutions were not a proto-Protestant measure; they were decided on by Wolsey with the approval of both the king and Rome, with a view to funding and beautifying Wolsey’s grand colleges in Oxford and Ipswich. Cromwell’s involvement continued in various ways, as surveyor, administrator, and attorney. He was not acting alone, and in February 1525 Wolsey was urging Henry not to listen to bad reports of the behaviour of some of his officers during the suppressions. No names were mentioned, so it is not known for certain whether Cromwell was one of those who had carried out his tasks with heavy-handed efficiency. Two years later, however, Wolsey was told that the ‘king and noble men speak things incredible of the acts of Mr Alayn and Cromwell’. If this was meant as a complaint it did Cromwell no harm either with Henry or Wolsey, for in September 152 Cromwell was described on an official document as ‘receiver-general’ of Cardinal College at Oxford.22

So far as can be discerned, Cromwell played no part in Wolsey’s anti-Lutheran measures. Following the birth of the Reformation in Germany, a variety of unorthodox religious ideas had been filtering into England. Men like Thomas Bilney and Robert Barnes were preaching justification by faith and attacking the worship of the saints, though they had not yet denied papal authority or the sacraments of the church. A Protestant underground movement had begun in England, and it was smuggling literature into the country, successfully evading the authorities’ book-hunting and book-burning drives. The most famous English evangelical of these years was William Tyndale, now forced to flee and live in exile on the continent where he worked on his translation of the Bible; but in the mid to late 1520s, there is nothing to directly connect Cromwell with either Tyndale or Lutheranism. Cromwell was, however, a friend of Miles Coverdale, a man soon to become part of English Protestant history as a reformer and Bible translator. In a letter to Cromwell dated May 1527, Coverdale thanked him for his goodness, and recalled a conversation ‘in Master Moore’s house on Easter Eve’. It is not certain whether this was Thomas More. Knowing Cromwell’s ‘fervent zeal’ for ‘virtue and godly study’, Coverdale sought his help, for he had begun ‘to taste of Holy Scriptures … holy letters … and the ancient doctors’. He appealed for more books, promised to dedicate himself to learning, and offered his services to Cromwell. The letter reads as though Coverdale was not particularly piously inclined until he came under Cromwell’s influence. Soon Coverdale would meet and befriend Robert Barnes, and both would move quickly in a Protestant direction.23

Coverdale’s letter, though brief, is a useful pointer to Cromwell’s spiritual mindset in the late 1520s. It compliments Foxe’s story that Cromwell had learned by heart Erasmus’s Latin New Testament during one of his visits to Rome. It shows that Cromwell was far from the irreligious secularist depicted by Merriman and others. He was no Lutheran yet, but Coverdale has told us what kind of Catholic Cromwell almost certainly was. He belonged, it would seem, to the ranks of Christian humanists, who, though still ‘Catholic’ in the broadest sense of the word, had become disillusioned with the medieval scholastic theologians, and preferred to read the Scriptures and the works of the church fathers (the ‘ancient doctors’). The seeming relish with which Cromwell went about suppressing monasteries suggests that he had little love for monastic traditions or conventional piety. The term ‘Erasmian’ – if it means a church still loosely Catholic though stripped of some of the outward piety that Erasmus and other humanists disdained – may be safely used to describe Cromwell in these years.

Meanwhile, he continued his legal business, though there is little sign in 1527 that either his clients or his cases were significantly more prestigious than a few years earlier. He was again involved with several claims between merchants. When his close friend, Stephen Vaughan, suffered losses after having his goods seized on the high seas, and was being pursued by unsympathetic creditors, Cromwell drafted a petition to Wolsey on Vaughan’s behalf. A certain Henry Lacy asked Cromwell for help in a testate matter, and also in a property dispute between him and the wife of a cousin who had left her husband. One of the first signs of any contacts between Cromwell and a powerful new political faction – the Boleyns – occurred in December 1527, when Cromwell wrote to Thomas Boleyn, Anne’s father, now Viscount Rochford; Cromwell was acting as counsel for the wife of Sir Robert Clare, Rochford’s sister.24

According to Foxe, Cromwell also found himself ‘in the wars of the duke of Bourbon at the siege of Rome’. On this story Foxe is frustratingly brief, but Bourbon’s imperialist troops sacked and wrecked carnage in Rome in May 1527. It is possible, though not especially easy, to fit such a visit in with Cromwell’s legal business that year – most of the cases noted above, apart from the Clare matter, took place in March or April. This, however, is not enough to reject Foxe’s story completely. A hurried, secret visit could have been undertaken on Wolsey’s instructions, because Henry and Wolsey were supporting Bourbon against King Francis. Beyond that, unfortunately, nothing is known about it.25

An inventory of Cromwell’s goods dated June 1527 confirms the impression that, though not excessively rich, he was now a man of some means, who had done rather well for himself since fleeing the country from his step-father as a youth. As well as furniture and clothing, items listed include images of Christ and Mary and the Magi, an ornament of Venetian gold, a picture of Lucretia Romana, and a gold broach with an engraving of Mary Magdalene. Other miscellaneous letters and papers also suggest that Cromwell was a collector of ornaments and furniture. Sub-sections of the inventory include ‘Mr Prior’s chamber’ and ‘Mistress Prior’s chamber’ – these were his in-laws, presumably living with him and his wife. Mistress Prior was quite a lady. Her possessions included a range of clothing and household goods, a silver brooch, purses, a silk Spanish girdle, seven pearls, plus pieces of velvet and satin. Stephen Vaughan, when asking Cromwell to commend him to her, once described her as ‘after you my most singular friend’.26

Here, then, is a historical snapshot of Thomas Cromwell in 1527. It shows a self-made man, a thriving freelance lawyer with profitable commercial interests, employed in the service of the king’s most powerful minister, happily married with a growing family and enjoying a satisfying social life. No sign can be detected of a deep religious conversion or burning political ambition. Independent of, and happily unthreatened by, the intrigues of factions and power struggles at court and in the ruling council, his was an altogether agreeable manner of living. But it was not his destiny to remain in it, and like many of his friends and colleagues, he would soon be caught up and carried along by the momentous events about to unfold in King Henry’s reign.

Notes

1Othello Act 2, Scene 3.

2CSPSpan.,1534–5, no. 228. A report by the Venetian ambassador in England to the Venetian senate dated 3 June 1535 also included a short biography of Cromwell, but for reasons best known to themselves, the transcribers left out all the details. See CSPVen.5, no. 54, p. 26, footnote.

33From Pole’s ApologiaadCarolumQuintum, printed in Merriman 1, p. 18.

4Bandello 1, pp. 1010–11.

5Foxe 5, pp. 362, 365, 392–3.

6Merriman, 1 pp. 1–8; CalendarofCloseRolls…HenryVII (London, HMSO, 1963), vol. 2, 1500–1509, no. 57.

9Foxe 5, pp. 363–5.

10LP 1, no. 1473 (3556); Elton, Studies 3, p. 374; CSPSpan.,1534–5, no. 228; Merriman 1, p. 12.

11Foxe 5, p. 365; LP 1, no. 3195 (5355); Elton, Studies 3, p. 374; G.R. Elton, Reform&Renewal:ThomasCromwellandtheCommonWeal (Cambridge, 1973), p. 34. Cromwell may have made further visits to Rome on the subject of Boston pardons, because in April 1529 the Guild of our Lady in Boston thanked him for all that he had done for them: LP 4 (3), no. 5460.

12LP 3 (1), nos 1026, 1289, 1963; LP 3 (2), nos 2437, 2441, 2557.

13LP 3 (2), nos 2447, 2461, 2624, 2754, 3015. For miscellaneous legal affairs see also LP 3 (2), nos 2753, 3081, 3502 (from his cousin, Henry Wykys), 3530, 3681 (2).

14The speech is printed in Merriman 1, pp. 30–44. See also the note in Elton, TudorConst., p. 309, fn. 170.

15Merriman 1. p. 313.

16Elton, Studies 1, pp. 277–80.

17Merriman 1, p. 47; Elton, Studies, p. 375; LP 3 (2), no. 3657; LP 4 (1), nos 106 (7), 294, 304, 327, 368, 388 (2, 7, 2), 393 (2), 643, 681, 969, 979.

18Merriman 1, pp. 314–15; LP 4 (1), nos 1348 (2), 1386, 1794.

19LP 4 (1), nos 1989 (2), 2106, 2229, 2347–8; LP 4 (2), nos 2375, 2387, 2400, 2755.

20LP 4 (1), no. 1732; Ellis 9, pp. 338–9.

21Merriman 1, p. 314; LP 4 (1), nos 99, 989–90, 1137, 1138 (2), 1499 (3).

22J. Youings, TheDissolutionoftheMonasteries (London, 1971), p. 27; Merriman 1, pp. 319–21; LP 4 (1), nos 1881, 1964, 2193, 2217; LP 4 (2), nos 2538 (8), 2738; SP 1, pp. 155–6, 261; LP 4 (2), no. 3461.

23RemainsofCoverdale, ed. G. Pearson (Cambridge, 1846), pp. 490–92; J.F. Mozley, CoverdaleandhisBibles (London, 1953), pp. 2–3.

24LP 4 (2), nos 2844, 2989–91, 3014, 3032, 3053 (1), 3079; Merriman 1, pp. 316–18.

25Foxe 5, p. 365; Cavendish, pp. 37–41, 209.

26LP 14 (2), nos 3197, 4613, 4884, 5034; LP 4 (3), nos 6429, 6744.

2

To Make or Mar

After the tragic and untimely death in 1501 of Prince Arthur, eldest son and heir of King Henry VII, the king was anxious to preserve the alliance he had made with Spain. Consequently he had arranged for the marriage of his second son, then Prince Henry, to Catherine of Aragon, Arthur’s widow. Because a marriage to the wife of a dead brother could be problematic in ecclesiastical law and practice, the English and Spanish authorities decided to ask for a papal dispensation. This they duly obtained from Pope Julius II. Henry VIII then married Catherine when he became king in 1509.1

The marriage began happily enough, but it had failed to produce a male heir. Catherine had been pregnant many times, but royal babies, including males, were either still-born or died soon after birth. The queen had also suffered several miscarriages. Princess Mary was the only surviving child, and though Henry did have an illegitimate son in Henry Fitzroy, no royal bastard had ever succeeded his father to the English throne.2

At some point difficult to determine, Henry VIII, a prince with a keen interest in theology, and a high opinion of his own abilities in the subject, fastened on to texts in the book of Leviticus which appeared to forbid sexual relations or marriage to a brother’s wife, and which warned that anyone who disobeyed this command would be punished with childlessness (Leviticus 18:6, 20:21). However, another text from Deuteronomy did allow a man to marry his dead brother’s wife, if that marriage had produced no children (Deuteronomy 25:5). Some theologians saw no contradiction between the two, on the grounds that Leviticus simply forbad marrying the wife of a brother who was still alive; in other words, it prohibited bigamy. Others disagreed, and Henry’s divines set to work on what would become known as the King’s Great Matter. For his own part, Henry became convinced that his marriage to Catherine was unlawful, and that the papal dispensation issued by Pope Julius clashed with the divine law of Leviticus, and was therefore invalid.3

It would be easy – perhaps too temptingly easy – to suspect that all this disputing about Leviticus and dispensations amounted to nothing more than a giant constitutional red herring, because Henry’s affections for Catherine had now faded, and he was in love with the younger, spirited Mistress Anne Boleyn. It is an undeniable historical fact that in each of Henry’s three divorces (or annulments, as he preferred to call them), the appearance of another woman in his life just happened to coincide with the discovery of complications over the validity of his present marriage. However, whether passion for Anne prompted or emerged from Henry’s qualms of conscience over Leviticus is something that must be left to others. What matters here is that, according to the Tudor historian Edward Hall, it was in 1527 that Henry’s confessor and other clerics told him that his marriage to Catherine was not lawful, and that he was free to consider marrying again.4

Anne Boleyn had once been a maid of Queen Catherine’s. Then Henry Percy, earl of Northumberland, fell in love with her, though with miserable ill luck he did so at about the same time that she caught Henry’s roving eye. Displeased to hear that Percy and Anne were courting and might be wishing to marry, Henry ordered Wolsey to thwart the young couple’s plans. Wolsey summoned Percy to appear before him and rebuked him, heir as he was to one of the greatest earldoms in the country, for wanting to marry a mere gentleman’s daughter. Wolsey warned him that Henry would never give the necessary royal consent, disingenuously adding that the king already had someone else in mind for Anne. When Percy gallantly maintained his love for Anne, the earl’s father, unwilling to incur the disfavour of Wolsey and the king, threatened to disinherit his obstinate son. Eventually the combined pressure of the cardinal and the father, backed by the king, forced young Percy to give way, and instead of Anne he married one of the earl of Shrewsbury’s daughters. Anne was furious, though mainly with Wolsey; she did not yet know either the king’s involvement or his feelings for her.5

It fell now to Cardinal Wolsey, Henry’s chief minister and Thomas Cromwell’s master, to secure a divorce for the king. International opposition was, predictably, fiercest from the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V, Catherine’s nephew. In May 1527 Charles’s ambassador in England, De Mendoza, reported that Wolsey ‘had been scheming to bring about the queen’s divorce’, and that Henry was about to assemble a gathering of divines to declare his marriage null. In the diplomatic haggling now under way the French, again according to De Mendoza, promised Wolsey the archbishopric of Rouen. To counter this the ambassador hinted to Wolsey that Charles could make a better offer and facilitate Wolsey’s elevation to the papacy – provided his ‘actions deserved it’. Meanwhile Catherine and Anne, despite their intense rivalry for the king’s affections, at least shared one thing in common – both were equally suspicious of Wolsey’s motives. Anne had by now forgotten Henry Percy, but her loathing of Wolsey simmered as intensely as ever, and she suspected him of trying to secretly arrange a French match for Henry. She, her father and the duke of Norfolk, so De Mendoza reported, had now formed a factional league against the cardinal.6

It comes as something of a relief for a writer on Thomas Cromwell to be able to say that he seems to have had virtually nothing to do with all of this. This would be, at least partly, because he was neither a bishop nor a divine, and unlikely to be asked to consider the theological aspects of the case. He was, however, fluent in Italian and Latin, and had travelled to Rome two or three times, maybe more, since settling in England; so he could have been employed in some capacity in the long drawn out negotiations that followed between Henry and the papacy. Fortunately for him, he was not called upon.

During 1528 Cromwell was more preoccupied with his son Gregory’s schooling than Henry’s marital trials. The boys’ new tutor, John Chekyng, may have known Cromwell personally, because some of his letters concern subjects of general and presumably mutual interest. Chekyng had been reading Erasmus’s edition of Saint Augustine’s works, and he praised them highly to Cromwell. However, he was also a bit pressed for cash, and chasing Cromwell for unpaid bills. Gregory’s end of term report was somewhat less than glowing – he was a bit slow – but Chekyng blamed his previous tutor for the lack of progress. Once again Gregory’s letters to his father were full of promises to work hard and do well.7

Still in 1528, while Wolsey grappled with Henry’s Great Matter, Cromwell continued his work on the cardinal’s colleges at Oxford and Ipswich. He prosaically assured his master that the building ‘of your noble college most prosperously and magnificently doth arise’ in so imposing a manner that ‘the like thereof was never seen nor imagined’. Cromwell was busy sorting out all the documentation, letters patent and administration. He also took up the cause of English merchants whose ships were detained in France, and completed a valuation of Wolsey’s lands in York. Suppression of selected smaller monasteries continued, though it is noteworthy that when the priory of Felixstowe was suppressed, Stephen Gardiner, now Archdeacon of Worcester, and Rowland Lee were named as ‘judges’, with Cromwell present officially only as a ‘witness’. Gardiner, Lee and Cromwell then supervised the transfer of all the priory’s possessions to Ipswich. Then in October comes the first indication that Cromwell by now knew Thomas Cranmer, when Cranmer went up to London and then to Ipswich with a letter for William Capon, the new dean of Wolsey’s college there, which had been written by Cromwell.8

Also in October, Cardinal Campeggio arrived in London from Rome as the papal representative to hear the king’s case. He and Wolsey then went to see Queen Catherine to officially inform her that proceedings were about to start. She responded regally. ‘Is it now’, she demanded, ‘a question whether I be the king’s lawful wife or not, when I have been married to him almost 20 years’? Catherine scathingly reproached Wolsey for his ‘high pride and vainglory … voluptuous life and abominable lechery … power and tyranny who of malice you have kindled this fire … especially for the great malice that you bear to my nephew the emperor … because he would not satisfy your ambition and make you pope by force’. Wolsey pleaded that he was ‘neither the beginner nor the mover’ of the affair, but had merely been appointed to hear the case.9

According to De Mendoza, Henry and Anne were already looking ‘on their future marriage as certain, as if that of the queen had been actually dissolved’. Wolsey, however, was trying to delay things. ‘It is generally agreed’, the ambassador added, that Wolsey and Campeggio ‘will secretly agree to keep the matter in suspense’. Wolsey’s fear was that he would lose power if Anne, now nagging Henry mercilessly to settle his divorce quickly, became queen. For his part, Henry was ‘so blindly in love with that lady that he cannot see his way clearly’. The ambassador suspected that Henry was loading Campeggio with gifts.10

George Cavendish, Wolsey’s first biographer, agreed that Anne was now keeping ‘an estate more like a queen than a simple maid’. Anne was urging Henry to consider ‘the danger the cardinal hath brought you’, how he had been working to the king’s ‘slander and dishonour’, and that if anyone else had done ‘but half so much as he hath done, he were well worthy to lose his head’. At the turn of the year (January and February 1529), De Mendoza reported that Henry was becoming impatient with Wolsey for not fulfilling his promises. Anne was certain that Wolsey was stalling, and her alliance with her father and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to undermine the cardinal was now in full swing.11

One of the clearest insights into Wolsey’s strategy is revealed in his own letter to Stephen Gardiner dated 7 February 1529. Wolsey urged Gardiner, now one of the king’s emissaries to Rome on the divorce case, to do all he could to help Wolsey become pope, a plan that Wolsey claimed enjoyed the king’s support. Gardiner will be ‘informed of the king’s mind and mine concerning my advancement unto the dignity papal’, Wolsey wrote, trusting that Gardiner would ‘omit nothing … to serve and conduce to that purpose’. He addressed Gardiner as the man ‘whom I most entirely do trust’, a view which would soon change. He referred to the king’s ‘secret matter, which, if it should be brought to pass by any other means than by the authority of the church, then I count this prince and this realm utterly undone’. Wolsey, already fearing the ghastly prospect of a breach with Rome, was convinced that he was the only cardinal ‘that can and will set remedy’ in the great affair. However, he denied seeking power or glory for himself.12

It was around this time that personal tragedy struck the Cromwell family. The last surviving reference to his wife occurs in a letter from Richard Cave to the Cromwells in June 1528. It may have been the deadly sweating sickness plaguing the country that stole her and his two daughters away sometime shortly afterwards. Whatever it was, he decided he must make his will in July 1529, which opened in impeccably medieval fashion:

I bequeath my soul to the great God of heaven, my Maker, Creator and Redeemer, beseeching the most glorious Virgin, our Blessed Lady Saint Mary the Virgin and Mother, with all the holy company of heaven, to be mediators and intercessors for me to the Holy Trinity, so that I may be able … to inherit the kingdom of heaven.

The will names Gregory as his heir. Poignantly it refers to his ‘late wife’, and provisions made for his daughter Anne and his ‘little daughter Grace’ are crossed out. It provides for his sister, Elizabeth Wellyfed, his nephews and niece, and his mother-in-law, Mercy Prior, all still living. Smaller gifts are assigned to Ralph Sadler and Stephen Vaughan along with other friends and servants. He required his executors to ‘conduct and hire a priest being an honest person of continent and good living, to sing for my soul by the space of seven years after my death’. A list of donations to causes he supported included ‘the making of highways in this realm … every of the five orders of friars within the City of London to pray for my soul’, plus gifts to the poor, not forgetting the ‘poor prisoners of Newgate’. He asked for a funeral ‘without any earthly pomp’, and named Sadler, Vaughan, and his brother-in-law, John Williamson, as executors.13

Meanwhile, he had to carry on with his normal duties. He was occupied with Wolsey’s colleges and his own legal business, which included a request to procure a papal bull, though nothing to do with the king’s affair. He also arranged for the education of one of his nieces. He then stung John Chekyng with a criticism that Gregory and young Wellyfed had not progressed well enough under his tutorship. Indignantly Chekyng protested that he had brought up many fine scholars, including six MAs and fellows of colleges. He continued to press Cromwell for outstanding bills, including the cost of a feather bed, burned when master Wellyfed fell asleep reading a book by candlelight and the candle dropped onto the bed starting a fire. However, the dispute was soon resolved, the bills were paid, and for the time being Gregory continued as a pupil of Mr Chekyng.14

But far more important affairs of state were now reaching their climax. In July 1529, Campeggio effectively stymied any further progress on Catherine’s ‘trial’ by insisting that the court should follow Roman legal custom and adjourn till October. It never reconvened. Henry either discovered or suspected that the pope had yielded to the demand of Charles V to hear the case in Rome, exactly the thing Henry had hoped Wolsey could somehow prevent. On 9 August writs were issued for a new parliament. Eustace Chapuys, Charles’s new ambassador in England, predicted that if Anne had her way, Wolsey would soon be gone. Henry and Wolsey met for the last time at Grafton on 20 September. Three days later Cromwell received a letter from a friend telling him that the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, along with Thomas Boleyn (Anne’s father), were all showing deference to Wolsey, but ‘what they bear in their hearts I know not’. Wolsey himself now suspected the loyalty of some in his own circle. The trust he had shown in Stephen Gardiner earlier in the year vanished and was replaced by suspicion and bitterness.15

The French envoy, du Bellay, was also convinced that Wolsey would not survive the coming parliament. Both diplomats had read the situation well. On 9 October Wolsey was indicted for praemunire; on 18 he surrendered the great seal, and a week later Thomas More was made Lord Chancellor in his place. Du Bellay confirmed the news to the French – Wolsey was undone, Norfolk was chief of the council, behind him was Suffolk, but ‘above them all’ stood Anne. The ambassadors had no doubt that the vengeful, ambitious royal mistress was Wolsey’s chief enemy and the prime cause of his fall. Already Wolsey, now in great distress, was appealing to du Bellay for help from King Francis.16

Shortly after the blow fell, Cavendish entered the Great Chamber of Wolsey’s Asher home one morning to behold what he regarded a ‘strange sight’. Cromwell was ‘leaning in the great window with a primer in his hand, saying Our Lady Mattens’, with tears in his eyes. ‘Why, Mr. Cromwell’, asked Cavendish. ‘What meaneth all this your sorrow? Is my lord in any danger for whom ye lament thus, or is it for any loss that ye have sustained?’ ‘Nay’, replied Cromwell with brutal frankness. ‘It is my unhappy adventure, who am like to lose all that I have travailed for, all the days of my life’. Cromwell felt ‘in disdain with most men for my master’s sake, and surely without just cause; however, an ill name once gotten will not lightly be put away’. Within twelve months Cromwell had lost a wife, two daughters and a master. He now faced political and financial ruin. Fortunately, he was also a man of mettle, not one to be cowed by misfortune. He told Cavendish that he would ride to London and court that afternoon, ‘when I will either make or mar, ere I come again’.17