Conqueror's Son E-Book

Katherine Lack

• Herausgeber: The History Press
• Kategorie: Sachliteratur, Reportagen, Biografien
• Sprache: Englisch

Veröffentlichungsjahr: 2011

Beschreibung

Duke Robert of Normandy, eldest son of William the Conqueror, was one of the greatest kings England never had. Instead, his reputation was distorted by the English chroniclers to give legitimacy to the claims to the throne of Robert's two brothers, William Rufus and Henry I. This man, known to history as a rebel, a lazy ruler and an incompetent idler, is shown by Katherine Lack to have been the victim of a carefully constructed web of medieval spin. He has had 900 years of bad publicity as an undutiful son, harassing his father with acts of insubordination and spending money so recklessly that he had to sell his lands in Normandy to his brothers. The portrait that emerges in Conqueror's Son is that of a worthy son of a great father, whose peace-making exploits on the Scottish borders, faithfulness and courage as a leading crusader, and return in triumph with a foreign beauty as his bride, give a whole new dimension to our view of England under the Normans. Katherine Lack sets out to redress the balance of opinion on Robert Curthose ('short boots' or 'stubby legs' – the Normans were fond of giving pejorative nicknames). What emerges is a fascinating revision of our understanding of William the Conqueror and his complex relations with his sons. In particular, this book paints a vivid picture of the royal and aristocratic families of northern Europe and their carefully maintained, though always fragile, alliances.

Leseprobe

For Paul and Chris

CONTENTS

Title Page

Dedication

Acknowledgements

Abbreviations

Maps

Family Trees

1. Of Patrons and Propaganda

2. Rebellious Son, Jealous Father

3. When the Conqueror Died

4. King Rufus, Duke Robert

5. Soldier of Christ

6. The Conquering Hero

7. A Fatal Arrow

8. The Thwarted King

9. Brotherly Love

10. The Exiled Heir

Epilogue: The Conqueror’s Sons

Notes

Bibliography

Copyright

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This book arose from an M.Phil. thesis on the de obitu Willelmi and the 1087 Anglo-Norman succession. I must therefore begin by paying especial tribute to my supervisor for that degree, Nicholas Brooks, who led me gently along the sometimes convoluted paths of medieval scholarship until a presentable end product emerged. Without his help and support, the thesis, never mind this book, would not have been completed. I would also like to thank Steve Bassett and Elisabeth van Houts for their generous encouragement, and all those members of the Department of Medieval History at Birmingham University, sadly too numerous to mention, who have listened patiently to me over the last three years and have made many valuable suggestions and observations.

The town of Tinchebray held a splendid conference in September 2006, on the 900th anniversary of the battle at which Duke Robert Curthose was taken prisoner. Among the many people who attended, I would particularly like to record the assistance of Richard Barton, Matthew Bennett, Peter Damian-Grint, Hugh Doherty, Judith Green, Ann Nissen-Jaubert, Ian Peirce and Thomas Roche.

I am most grateful to the following for help with supplying illustrations: Ann Nissen-Jaubert, Ian Peirce, The Bridgeman Art Library, Mme Christèle Potvin at the Seine-Maritime Archives, The British Library, Sonia Halliday Photographs, Mrs P. Hatfield and the Provost and Fellows of Eton College. Quotations from The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ed. D. Whitelock, D.C. Douglas and S.I. Tucker (Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1961), are reproduced by permission of Cambridge University Press; those from The Deeds of the Franks and the other Pilgrims to Jerusalem, ed. R. Hill (Nelson, 1962), are reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press. Quotations from Eadmer’s History of Recent Events in England: Historia Novorum in Anglia, trans. G. Bosanquet (Cresset Press, 1964), are reprinted by permission of the Random House Group Ltd. Quotations from C. Cahen, Orient et occident au temps des Croisades (Aubier Montaigne, 1983), are reproduced by kind permission of Flammarion, Paris. Quotations from William of Malmesbury’s The Gesta Regum Anglorum; The Charters and Custumals of Holy Trinity Caen; The Chronicle of John of Worcester; Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon: Historia Anglorum; The Gesta Normannorum Ducum; The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis and The Letters of Lanfranc are all reproduced by permission of Oxford University Press.

Many people have helped with reading individual chapters, or with particular areas of expertise, most notably Deryn Chatwin, Peter Damian-Grint, Iestyn Daniel (who alerted me to the fact that a Welsh poem Curthose is reputed to have written at Cardiff is almost certainly an eighteenth-century forgery), Howard Edwards, Hugh Houghton, Graham Loud, Janet Maxwell-Stewart, Philippa Semper, Richard Sharpe, Chris Wickham and above all Matt Edwards, who read the entire typescript at very short notice, made pertinent comments throughout and yet remains on friendly terms with me. Inevitably, however, it is the home team who suffer the most, and it is to them that this book is dedicated – to a husband who does not really like history that much, and a son who now knows far more about the de obitu than any 17-year-old should.

ABBREVIATIONS

AA

Historia Hierosolymitana … Albert of Aachen

(RHC Oc. 4)

Anna Comnena

The Alexiad of Anna Comnena

, trans. E.R.A. Sewter (1969)

Annales Monastici

Annales Monastici

, ed. H. Luard (5 vols; RS 36; 1864–9)

Anselm’s Letters

The Letters of Saint Anselm of Canterbury

, trans. W. Fröhlich (3 vols; 1990–4)

ASC

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle

, ed. D. Whitelock, D.C. Douglas and S.I. Tucker (1961)

B

Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum: The Acta of William I (1066–1087)

, ed. D. Bates (1998)

BD

Baldric of Dol:

Historia Jerusalem … Domini Baldrici Archiepiscopi

(RHC Oc. 4)

DB

Domesday Book: History from the Sources

, ed. J. Morris (1975–86)

F

Receuil des actes des ducs de Normandie de 911 à 1066

, ed. M. Fauroux (1961)

FC

Fulcher of Chartres:

Fulcherii Carnotensis Historia Hierosolymitana

(PL 155; 1880)

GF

Gesta Francorum … The Deeds of the Franks and the other Pilgrims to Jerusalem

, ed. R. Hill (1962)

GND

The Gesta Normannorum Ducum

…, ed. E. van Houts (2 vols; 1992)

GR

The Gesta Regum Anglorum. The History of the English Kings of William of Malmesbury

, ed. R.A.B. Mynors, R.M. Thomson and M. Winterbottom (2 vols; 1998)

HA

Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon: The Historia Anglorum. The History of the English People

, ed. D. Greenway (1996)

HC

The Hyde Chronicle:

Liber monasterii de Hyda

, ed. E. Edwards (RS 45; 1886)

HN

Eadmer’s History of Recent Events in England: Historia Novorum in Anglia

, trans. G. Bosanquet (1964)

HR

Symeonis Monachi … Historia Regem

, ed. T. Arnold (RS 75 ii; 1885)

JW

The Chronicle of John of Worcester

…, ed. P. McGurk (1998)

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae Historica

OV

The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis

, ed. M. Chibnall (6 vols; 1969–80)

PL

Patrologia Latina, ed. J.-P. Migne

PR 31 HI

The Pipe Roll for 31 Henry I

(1929)

Prou

Receuil des actes de Philippe I

…, ed. M. Prou (1908)

PT

Petri Tudebodi … de Hierosolymitana itinere

(PL 155; 1880)

RA

Raimundi de Agiles … Historia Francorum

… (RHC Oc. 3.i)

RC

Gesta Tancredi in Expeditione Hierosolymitana. Ralph of Caen

(RHC Oc. 3.ii)

Regesta

, i

Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 1066–1100

, ed. H. Davis (1913)

Regesta

, ii

Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 1100–1135

, ed. C. Johnson, H.A. Cronne and H.W.C. Davis (1956)

RHC Oc.

Receuil des historiens des Croisades, Occidentaux

RHC Or.

Receuil des historiens des Croisades, Orientaux

RHGF

Receuil des historiens des Gaules et de France

RS

Rolls Series

Suger

The Deeds of Louis the Fat: Suger

, trans. R. Cusimano and J. Moorhead (1992)

VCH

Victoria County History

Wace

The History of the Norman People: Wace’s Roman de Rou

, ed. G. Burgess (2004)

MAPS

The eastern Channel coasts, c.AD 1100

The Vexin

FAMILY TREES

The following family trees are intended as a guide through the maze of relationships surrounding Robert Curthose’s life. It should be noted, however, that they can be regarded only as approximate, owing to the paucity of evidence, the extreme complexity of some family alliances and the desperate parsimony of name choice at this period.

1. The Dukes of Normandy

2. The French Royal Dynasty

3. The English Royal Dynasty

4. The Counts of Flanders

5. The Counts of Maine

6. The Montgomery–Bellême family

7. The Counts of Evreux and the Tosny family

8. The Family of Robert Guiscard

9. The Clare and Giffard Families

KEY

Chapter 1

OF PATRONS AND PROPAGANDA

Duke Robert Curthose was a man destined for greatness. The eldest son of William the Conqueror, he was by all accounts generous to his supporters, quick-witted and brave. Indeed, in the words of a contemporary, apart from ‘his small size … in other respects there was nothing to criticize, for he was neither unattractive in feature nor unready in speech, nor feeble in courage nor weak in counsel’.1 But when the Conqueror died, the Anglo-Norman ‘empire’ was divided, and William Rufus, a much less appealing younger son, was crowned King of England. Robert succeeded only to the Duchy of Normandy, and began a long descent into obscurity and opprobrium.

Despite all the promise of his youth, and an exalted career as a crusader, few people have heard of Curthose now. To those who have, he is usually known as ‘the lazy duke’, ‘the weak duke’, ‘an administrative incompetent’. This is largely because he spent the last twenty-eight years of his life in prison, while his youngest brother, Henry, sat on the English throne and ruled Normandy in his place. During Henry’s reign, there was an unprecedented flowering of historical writing, and since history is generally written by the victors, the story that is told is not kind to the defeated duke.

THE MEN WHO MADE CURTHOSE’S HISTORY

Foremost among the sources used to tell the conventional story of Curthose is the ‘history’ written by Orderic Vitalis, who lived at the Norman abbey of Saint-Evroul from 1085.

Orderic’s descriptions of Curthose’s active life were written in the closing years of the reign of Henry I, and probably relied heavily on oral sources, including his personal memories for the later years, and on his own classically influenced imagination. For example, of his list of people at the Conqueror’s deathbed, there is nobody whose presence is unexpected; the entire scene could as well have been composed from imagination and common sense as from factual information, even though it has the aura of verisimilitude. When Orderic’s facts can be checked against independent sources, he is often found to err.

There are two over-riding characteristics of Orderic’s work. Where he differs from other twelfth-century sources, he is almost invariably the more hostile to Curthose. Conversely, he seldom misses an opportunity to extol the virtues of Henry I, whom he fervently admired. ‘In reading Orderic’s repeated assertions of the justice of Henry’s cause when he took Normandy from his incompetent brother Robert and disinherited Robert’s son, one seems at times to catch the tones of Henry’s own voice.’2 It has been Curthose’s misfortune that Orderic’s thirteen volumes comprise much the largest and by far the most widely quoted source for the period.

Among the other important ‘histories’, William of Malmesbury’s Deeds of the English Kings has until recently been supposed to support Orderic’s character studies of Curthose, Rufus and Henry. It is conspicuous, however, that, although William’s patrons were Henry I’s wife Queen Matilda and the king’s favourite bastard son, Robert, he was not afraid to criticise Henry, even if he was forced to do so by stealth. He did not dedicate any of his work to the king, and sometimes he reveals considerable support for Curthose. Recently, scholars have begun to look more carefully at William of Malmesbury’s text, and are discovering that it carries many undercurrents of hostility to Henry.3

Another Norman source for Curthose’s life is the Deeds of the Norman Dukes, usually known by its Latin title the Gesta Normannorum Ducum. This is a complex group of histories with many strands, rather than a single work, although few authors have been positively identified. William of Jumièges worked on his version or ‘redaction’ of the text between the 1050s and about 1070. It was probably written before the Conquest, with only small changes afterwards. Four copies of William’s text survive, but even the oldest, which is incomplete, is not an ‘autograph’ version. His work is characteristically slanted to the Norman ducal viewpoint, and is a good source for information about Curthose’s youth.

Between about 1109 and 1113, possibly after preliminary work as early as 1095, Orderic Vitalis rewrote William of Jumièges’s Gesta Normannorum Ducum, adding additional information about William the Conqueror and bringing it up to date. Most of his autograph copy survives. Its modern editor comments: ‘It is curious that Orderic is the only redactor … who does not refer to Robert Curthose.’4

A CURIOUS DOCUMENT

The one thing above all others that has doomed Curthose in the judgement of history is the fact that he did not succeed his father on the throne of England. Here, it seems, is a man who was not deemed worthy to inherit the throne, who was passed over in favour of a younger son.

Yet surprisingly, there is very little evidence for what William the Conqueror’s dying wishes actually were. How confident can we be, therefore, that William Rufus was his father’s preferred heir? Only two manuscripts describe the deathbed in anything like authentic detail, and one of these was written by Orderic Vitalis (who, as we have already seen, is very hostile to Robert) some forty-five years after the event. The other, on which all our evidence for the Conqueror’s intentions about the succession ultimately rest, is a very curious document indeed.

This Latin text opens with the words ‘concerning the death of William’ (de obitu Willelmi), and it is by this title that it has become known. It survives in full in only one copy, added on to the end of one manuscript of the Gesta Normannorum Ducum.5 This is a Durham manuscript, which was almost certainly written by the northern historian Symeon of Durham, who died just before 1130.6 But the de obitu is quite different in style from the rest of the Gesta Normannorum Ducum, and may not originally have been a part of it. If it was written and circulated independently before being copied in at the end of the Durham manuscript, then it could have been composed at any time between the Conqueror’s death in 1087 and about 1130.7 It is almost certainly the earliest detailed account of the 1087 succession, and may have been written very soon afterwards.

The de obitu itself is very short, only 654 words. It describes how the Conqueror wished to disinherit Curthose completely, but was eventually persuaded to let him succeed to the duchy because it had already been publicly promised to him. For many years this text was accepted uncritically as a valuable factual account of the Conqueror’s deathbed, until in 1965 two scholars independently noted that certain passages describing William had been lifted from a ninth-century Life of Charlemagne.8

A major study then revealed that the de obitu is in fact a pastiche of not one but two ninth-century sources, The Life of Charlemagne and a Life of his son Louis the Pious.9 The first part of the de obitu is presented as a description of the Conqueror’s deathbed and arrangements for the succession, in a block of text lifted almost unchanged from The Life of Louis the Pious, while the latter part is a series of disconnected extracts from The Life of Charlemagne, purporting to describe William the Conqueror’s habits and physical appearance.

This extraordinary revelation should have destroyed the credibility of the de obitu, but, remarkably, the story it tells is still believed: Curthose was only grudgingly allowed to become duke on his father’s death, and William Rufus was the preferred heir. Perhaps even more surprisingly, no one has considered why or by whom the de obitu was compiled. Was it just that the lives of these two ninth-century monarchs had widely understood symbolic value at the turn of the twelfth century? Or was there a particular need for a written account of the last days of the Conqueror and his choice of successors (hallowed perhaps by the antiquity of the original texts), which met the required formulae without adhering too closely to the facts? Did these models supply a plausible short cut?

Charlemagne’s legendary status was widely known in both lay and ecclesiastical milieu, and his Life was readily available for copying: the most recent study reveals 134 surviving manuscripts, of which 24 are eleventh century or earlier. Any ruler might be flatteringly compared with Charlemagne, and especially one such as William the Conqueror, for whom at least some of the parallels were accurate.10 He endowed monasteries generously and reformed the church in Normandy and England, and had undoubtedly built up a greatly increased ‘empire’.

The Life of Louis the Pious, on the other hand, is an unlikely model to use for the life of a great ruler. Louis faced three major rebellions by his sons, failed to live up to his great father’s standards and was once forced to abdicate for a year. If the source for these extracts was understood, it was very unflattering. If, as is more likely, it was relatively unknown in Anglo-Norman society, how readily available was it for copying and what prompted the choice?

Twenty-two manuscripts of The Life of Louis the Pious survive, and only five are eleventh century or earlier.11 There may, of course, have been many more in the medieval period, but nevertheless it is relatively scarce. Of these five manuscripts, four now have the two Lives we have been considering bound adjacent to each other, so one problem is perhaps resolved: even if the Life of Louis was not as widely available, it may have travelled with The Life of Charlemagne. Moreover, the manuscript that is closest to the text used for the de obitu is one of these four.12 Here, then, is a partial explanation for the choice of The Life of Louis the Pious as a model: it may have been to hand when the copyist was making his extracts from The Life of Charlemagne and composing the de obitu.

But this alone does not explain the choice of text nor the extracts taken from it. Unlike The Life of Charlemagne, it has been used (with one exception) as a block of text, selected from three consecutive chapters. The one place where the text has been rearranged has a very important effect. Here, the phrase ‘which with God and the leading men of the palace as witnesses he had already granted to him a long time previously’ is carried forward to make it refer directly to the prodigal son (Curthose), and not to the favoured heir as in the original. Stress is thus laid on the Conqueror’s initial desire to disinherit Curthose completely, and the constraints that forced him to yield.

The resulting emphasis in this first part of the de obitu is very distinctive. There is no mention at all of the youngest brother, Henry, despite there being a place for him in the model. In other words, Henry seems to have been deliberately omitted, as if he was of no importance at the time of composition. There is a brief mention of the promise of the regalia to Rufus, who by implication is to succeed to the throne, while almost half of it describes the rift with Curthose, his unsuitability for rule and his father’s reluctant agreement to confirm him as duke. Here, then, is a possible explanation for the choice of The Life of Louis the Pious. It is a text that includes the settlement of a disputed succession between brothers, which could be readily adapted to describe the situation at the death of William the Conqueror.

Thus we seem to have a very precisely constructed document, which goes out of its way to disparage Curthose. A major aim of the author seems to have been to stress the Conqueror’s disillusionment with his eldest son. This effect is further emphasised by placing these extracts at the beginning, instead of after the description of the Conqueror in life, which would be a more conventional order to adopt. William the Conqueror himself is only described in formulaic terms, and the whole might better be entitled ‘The Fall of Robert Curthose’ than ‘The Death of William’. Henry is of no interest in the de obitu, which reads distinctly like propaganda for Rufus, accounting for his claim to the throne.

Whether we look at the succession to England and Normandy in 1087 as described in the de obitu, or at Curthose’s later encounters with his youngest brother as portrayed during Henry’s reign, it soon becomes apparent that the surface ‘facts’ are not necessarily reliable. To uncover a clearer picture of Robert Curthose’s life, it is necessary to dig below the propaganda and try to use alternative sources, less tarnished by vested interests and misinformation.

Chapter 2

REBELLIOUS SON, JEALOUS FATHER

Robert Curthose has had nine hundred years of bad publicity. It began with the propaganda and spin of his brothers’ reigns, and it is exaggerated by the selective use of these same sources today: a ‘pick-and-mix’ approach in which already hostile chronicles are used to perpetuate the story of his failings. In particular, the abiding image of him as ‘an undutiful, graceless son, often harassing his father with wild acts of insubordination’1 is hard to dislodge.

Robert first makes his appearance in the pages of history in 1051, witnessing two charters for his father, Duke William II of Normandy. His parents were married in late 1049 or 1050, and since among all the accusations flung at him in the course of his long life illegitimacy was never one, he can only have been an infant at this time. There is no need, however, to imagine the child tracing his own cross beside his name ‘Robert the young count’. There would have been enough dramatic symbolism in him being brought into the room and shown to the assembled magnates as his father’s heir. In a generation where few laymen were confident handling pens, even adult witnesses did not always make autograph crosses on documents, but literally ‘witnessed’ the writing of them.2

It is scarcely possible to overstate the importance of the young Robert for his father. Following in a long tradition going back to the first Norman leader Rollo, William’s father Duke Robert had not been married to his mother, but had lived with her more Danico – according to the Scandinavian custom. But even Rollo was believed to have married in a Christian ceremony after he had been baptised, and by the mid-eleventh century ecclesiastical attitudes were hardening. There is little firm evidence that William felt the stigma of his illegitimacy too keenly, and he was to be known more often as The Conqueror than as The Bastard. Nevertheless, the moral climate had changed to such an extent that it was unlikely that a bastard would be able to succeed to Normandy again. A legitimate heir was vital for the survival of the duchy.

After inheriting Normandy at the age of 8, and a long struggle to retain control of it, William had married Mathilda of Flanders, granddaughter of King Robert of France. At the age of 24, he was now related closely by marriage to his overlord, the French king, and also to the powerful counts of Flanders. In a complex and constantly changing political situation, such alliances counted for a great deal. Often, however, they also involved marrying within the officially prohibited ‘degrees of relationship’. The law governing marriages was still evolving, and, despite two connections between their families that might have rendered their union invalid, and its prohibition in a letter from the pope and at the Council of Rheims in October 1049, William and Mathilda’s wedding went ahead. (The story that they were ordered to found an abbey each as penance may be a later accretion, as there is no suggestion of this in the foundation charters.3)

In this situation, a male heir was doubly important. Above all, Robert represented the future of Normandy. Also, his birth would have helped to silence any voices of protest at his parents’ marriage. In an age when evidence for God’s divinely ordained plan was eagerly sought and found, children were seen as a blessing while a barren marriage was often taken as a sign of unforgiven sin.

Over the years that followed, many more children were born: in all, nine survived infancy, four boys and five girls. The middle two boys, Richard and William, were probably born about 1055 and 1060 respectively, and the youngest, Henry, was born in 1068 or possibly early 1069.4

The royal charters from this period, and in particular their witness lists, can be used to build up a picture of the activities of Duke William’s family. Histories intended for wider circulation, in a later reign, are bound to have been influenced by their anticipated audience and to have been written with the perspective of hindsight. But, because there was as yet no centralised system for keeping copies of all the charters that a ruler and his family witnessed, these were preserved in small private collections, usually in religious houses. When an original document has survived down to the present day, it can provide a tiny but precise glimpse back through the keyhole of time.

Using these early charters is not without difficulty, however. It is impossible to know what proportion of them have survived, but after nearly a thousand years of accident, neglect and deliberate destruction, only a minority will have done so. The surviving material will also be biased towards those families and religious houses that were more interested in obtaining and preserving written records. The situation is further compromised because many existing charters are either badly damaged or later copies. When a charter has been copied into the cartulary of the monastery for which it was written, it is always possible that the witness list, as well as the detail in the text, has been altered. Where multiple copies exist, it is sometimes possible to see how these changes have been made.

Despite these difficulties, it seems clear from the charter evidence that Robert was in an entirely different category from his younger brothers. He frequently witnessed legal documents with his parents: twenty-three times in the years before 1066, compared to five for Richard and four for William. It is also apparent that there was no comparable distinction made between the younger boys. Neither Richard nor William witnessed charters in his infancy, and they may have begun doing so only on the eve of the Conquest.5 Until then, Robert was also the only one who ever witnessed without any of his brothers. After 1066, Richard went to England with his parents, and witnessed three extant charters there before his death in about 1070. But this seems to have been the exception not the rule. In the whole of their father’s reign as king, William witnessed alone only six times, and Henry five times, while Robert did so on fifteen occasions.

The same impression is gained by looking at the order in which the brothers witnessed charters when several of them were present. All the extant original charters place Robert’s name before those of his brothers. Only in two eighteenth-century copies does his name come after William Rufus’s.6 Out of a total of seventy-five documents witnessed by Robert, and forty-nine by William, this clearly demonstrates that Robert took precedence over his younger brothers during their father’s lifetime.

Robert is also set apart from his brothers in this charter material by the titles he is given. As we have seen, from the moment when he first witnessed a charter as a toddler, he was known as ‘the young count’. The titles ‘count’ and ‘duke’ were not fixed in the eleventh century, but there was already a tendency for the greatest of the rulers of what is now France to aspire to call themselves ‘duke’, no longer content with the designation ‘count’, with its old associations of service to the French Crown. Foremost among these men were the rulers of Normandy, who began using the title in the reign of Duke Richard II (996–1026).7 The older title lingered, however, and even William the Conqueror continued to be styled ‘count’ on occasion, although mainly in English documents.8

From infancy to adult life, Robert was referred to as ‘count’. An original document dated 1063 goes further, and specifically describes him as ‘elected by his parents to govern the regnum after them’. Describing Normandy as a regnum was rather presumptuous, as it was a term normally reserved for kingdoms, but it is found occasionally in early Norman documents, including an original charter of Robert I (1027–35).9

This arrogation of a royal style highlights the finely nuanced political situation at the time. Normandy, like many other territories, was notionally part of ‘France’ and under the rule of the French king. But, even though the king was anointed, and in principle set apart by that divine blessing from mere counts, in practice the royal domain (the land over which a monarch had direct control) was quite small, and the king was obliged to deal with his magnates more or less as equals. This meant that individual personalities were of greater importance, and the whole system was more fluid than the theory might suggest, and open to challenge when opportunities arose. Rulers who failed to take offensive action were liable to become targets for the aggression of others.

The 1060s were pivotal in the development of the relationship between Robert and his father. In these years when Robert was growing up, Normandy’s situation also underwent significant changes, as its two main continental adversaries, Anjou and royal France, both lost their powerful rulers. Their resulting weakness in turn facilitated the invasion of England.

Duke William’s first opportunity presented itself when Count Geoffrey Martel of Anjou died in 1060. Lacking a son, the old count left the heartlands of Anjou to his nephew Geoffrey the Bearded, but gave the rich Saintogne region to Geoffrey’s younger brother Fulk Le Rechin (‘The Snarler’).10 Geoffrey was unable to govern effectively in this difficult situation. A civil war broke out between the brothers, and by late 1063 things were beginning to go Fulk’s way, with the rulers of Brittany and Poitou helping to exert a pincer movement on Geoffrey. In 1067 Fulk obtained a decree from the papal legate declaring that Geoffrey was unfit to rule, and, aided by the uncle of the King of France, had him deposed and incarcerated in Chinon castle for three decades. In these unsettled conditions, the great abbey of Marmoutiers at Tours, which had for many years been a political ally of the Counts of Anjou, loosened its ties there and transferred its attention more to its Norman neighbours to the north.

William, always aware of the danger posed by the Angevins along his southern border, took advantage of this situation. In 1063 he invaded and subdued Maine, a small semi-independent ‘county’ wedged uncomfortably between its aggressive neighbours. Normandy thereby acquired a buffer state, and, as an insurance for the future, William brought the heiress of Maine, Marguerite, back to Normandy and betrothed her to his son Robert. Orderic Vitalis says (although there is no proof) that at this time Robert paid homage to Count Geoffrey for Maine, acknowledging him as his overlord.11 A charter from soon after this event refers to Robert as ‘Count of Maine’ in honour of the victory.12 Because Robert was only 12, the wedding was delayed, and in the interval Marguerite unfortunately died, leaving Robert in the anomalous position of being regarded as count by those among the population of Maine who had taken the Norman side in the war, and perhaps having paid homage to the Angevin ruler who was now losing his own civil war. Duke William certainly persisted as long as he lived in the belief, or the legal fiction, that Maine belonged to Normandy, even though his grip on it was seldom secure.13

By the 1060s William was in control of his own duchy. He was fortunate that, instead of brothers to threaten his position, he had two loyal half-brothers, the sons of his mother and the husband who had been found for her, Herluin of Conteville. William seems to have treated his mother with great consideration, and for most of his life he got on well with both her other sons. Odo, the older, he made Bishop of Bayeux at a relatively young age and later used him as one of his principal ministers in England. His other uterine brother, Robert, was only a few years older than Robert Curthose, and was given the strategic border domain of Mortain, guarding the Breton and Angevin marches.

King Henry of France, who had for many years been hostile to William, had also died in 1060. His heir, Philip I, was a boy of 8 who was to remain under the care of his guardian (Count Baldwin of Flanders) until 1067. With Anjou distracted by its protracted civil war, Normandy was relatively secure both at home and beyond its borders.

Meanwhile, in England, the long reign of Edward the Confessor was drawing to a close. Harold Godwineson was restored to favour and acting as the king’s right-hand man, and in 1064, for reasons that are now a mystery, he made a journey to Normandy. There was a belief in some Norman circles, perhaps based on fact or perhaps originating with the Norman prelate Robert of Jumièges (who had been appointed and then deposed as Archbishop of Canterbury during the upheavals earlier in the reign), that Edward had wished Duke William to succeed him on the English throne. The Norman sources are unanimous that King Edward had sent Harold to William to confirm him as his heir, although it is not even clear that Harold intended to go to Normandy, since he landed first in Ponthieu, where he was captured and taken to Normandy. Indeed, Edward already had a potential heir, a grandson of King Edmund Ironside called Edgar, who was known as the Ætheling (‘prince’). Edgar’s claim was much better than William’s tenuous link through his great-aunt Emma.

An alternative explanation for Harold’s visit, favoured by some historians, is that he was sent to negotiate a marriage alliance. The Bayeux Tapestry does suggest that a marriage may have been contemplated, but its evidence is tantalisingly unclear, just naming a lady ‘Aelfgyva’, which could either refer to Harold’s sister, or could mean that Harold was promised the hand of William’s daughter Agatha (or Adeliza). The most precise explanation, but not the most reliable since it was written fifty years later, is that William ‘promised him [Harold] that he would give him his daughter Adeliza with half the kingdom of England’.14 Whatever the cause of his stay in Normandy, the sources both sides of the Channel agree that Harold swore an oath (the English version of events was that it was extracted under duress and was not therefore binding) promising to support William’s claim to the throne. He was then allowed to return to England.

When Edward the Confessor sickened suddenly and died in January 1066, Edgar Ætheling was still an inexperienced youth in his early teens. He had been in England since his family’s return from exile in 1057, but, because his father had left in 1016, the boy was not well known, and may not even have been a fluent English speaker. Harold, by contrast, was an experienced war leader, with considerable estates and a broad following. The Norman and English sources agree that Harold was nominated as the next king by Edward on his deathbed, even though he had no blood ties to the ruling dynasty. But, while the Norman sources claim that the earlier promise to Duke William could not be overturned by a subsequent gift to Harold, the election seems to have been uncontested in England, and he was crowned on the same day as King Edward’s burial.15

William’s reaction to these events is now part of the fabric of our history. While he prepared his invasion fleet, he made arrangements for the government of Normandy in his absence, and also against the possibility that he might not return. His eldest son, Robert, was by now about 15 years old, the age at which rulers ‘came of age’ and could take their place, under guidance, in the adult world. This is spelled out in a charter of 1066, which says it was made ‘as Count William was preparing to cross the sea to wage war against the English’; it is authorised by Robert ‘his son, who is now of a sufficient age to do so’, at Rouen, the ducal capital.16 Here we have a glimpse of Robert entrusted, as soon as he had come of age, with the administration of the duchy, assisted by men such as his tutor Ilger, who is present as another witness, leaving his father free to attend to supplying and equipping ships and men for the expedition to England.

There is evidence, although from later sources, that before he left William formally appointed Robert as his heir to Normandy. Orderic Vitalis, writing in the mid-1130s, makes William say ‘I invested my son Robert with the duchy of Normandy before I fought against Harold on the heath of Senlac; because he is my first-born son and has received the homage of almost all the barons of the country the honour then granted cannot be taken from him’.17 This would have been a reasonable precaution. A Channel crossing, the invasion of a country on war alert and all the usual risks of battle made the whole enterprise extremely dangerous. With hindsight, it is easy to assume that William would succeed, but in fact the odds were stacked heavily against him. It may well be that, but for one stray arrow, the outcome would have been quite the reverse. Certainly, without the sudden invasion on the east coast that sent Harold marching post-haste to Stamford Bridge, William could not have landed and established his bridgehead unopposed. It was a hazardous gamble, but for one convinced of the justice of his cause it was one worth taking. God would display His judgement, and so in the event the Normans believed He had.